Esta dissertação apresenta uma pesquisa de mestrado baseada na busca de esclarecimentos acerca dos possíveis significados que os conceitos de cidadania e de cidadão podem manifestar. No desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, inspirada numa concepção de terapia filosófica de cunho wittgeinsteiniano, considerou-se que os sentidos atribuídos ao conceito de cidadania estariam vinculados a situações de uso deste conceito e que somente nestas situações de uso seus diferentes significados poderiam ser compreendidos. Assim, a pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir da análise de discursos extraídos de dois ambientes diversos. O primeiro grupo de discursos foi extraído de um ambiente correlato ao senso-comum (discursos veiculados em sites da internet e coletados em dezembro de 2008). O segundo grupo de discursos foi coletado em periódicos acadêmicos da área pedagógica veiculados entre janeiro de 1997 e dezembro de 2007; os periódicos pesquisados foram: Cadernos Cedes (UNICAMP), Cadernos de Pesquisa (Fundação Carlos Chagas) e Educação e Pesquisa (USP). A partir das análises desses discursos, verificou-se as semelhanças e as diferenças que aproximavam ou distanciavam os significados atribuídos ao conceito de cidadania em cada um deles. A partir da reflexão proporcionada pela verificação dessas aproximações e distanciamentos, pelas amostras de discursos analisados, descobrimos que é possível significar o conceito de cidadania a partir de, pelo menos, duas perspectivas: uma perspectiva que foi chamada de cidadania clássica e outra perspectiva que foi chamada de cidadania multicultural. Assim, os discursos coletados como exemplos puderam ser classificados em três diferentes grupos: um grupo de discursos atrelados a uma concepção de cidadania clássica, outro grupo de discursos atrelados a uma concepção de cidadania multicultural e, por fim, um terceiro grupo de discursos classificados como híbridos pelo fato de que, de alguma maneira, transitavam ou procuravam lidar com os pressupostos ou reivindicações de ambos os tipos de cidadanias, com implicações para as propostas correlatas de uma educação para a cidadania. / This M.A thesis presents research based on the search for enlightenment regarding the possible meanings that the concepts of citizenship and citizen may manifest. In the development of this research, inspired by a Wittgensteinian conception of philosophical therapy, it was assumed that the meanings attributed to the concept of citizenship would be bound to situations in which this concept is used, and that its different meanings could be understood only in these situations. Therefore, the research was developed based on the analysis of discourses extracted from two diverse environments. The first group of discourses was extracted from common sense-like sources (discourses published on web sites, collected in December, 2008). The second group of discourses was collected from pedagogical academic journals, published between January, 1997 and December, 2007. The journals were: Cadernos Cedes (UNICAMP), Cadernos de Pesquisa (Fundação Carlos Chagas), and Educação e Pesquisa (USP). The analyses of these discourses pointed at similarities and differences which brought together or kept away the meanings attributed to the concept of citizenship in each of them. Based on the aforementioned material, it is arguable that it is possible to signify the concept of citizenship from at least two perspectives, here named classic citizenship and multicultural citizenship. As a consequence, the discourses in the corpus could be classified into three different groups: the first connected to the concept of classic citizenship; the second to the multicultural one; and a third hybrid group. The third group was called hybrid because its discourses were in between assumptions and claims of the other two groups, or at least tried to address them, with implications for their proposals of citizenship education.

This dissertation examines the Argentine state's efforts to stabilize notions of value and reconstitute citizens as taxpayers and users of national currency after the financial crisis of 2001. Working with material from sixteen months of ethnographic research with federal and provincial tax authorities, neo-liberal and heterodox economists, and members of the Buenos Aires upper classes, I trace charged public debates surrounding tax payment and off-shore banking, examining both the rationalities and affective geographies guiding upper class decisions to invest in, or divest from, the nation. My dissertation foregrounds fiscal and financial relations between states and citizens as a critical nexus in the formation of state sovereignty, civic obligation, and liberal individualism. I propose that insight into the volatility of Argentine public finance requires attention to the analytical frameworks deployed by elites, including technical experts and professionals more broadly, to understand and prevent inflation, a defining question in Argentina since at least the early 1950s. The currency board was an anti-inflationary policy that, by pegging the peso to the dollar, luring foreign capital, and drastically reducing the much-vilified public sector, promised to offer "juridical security," (seguridad juridica) protecting private property rights from the vagaries of monetary instability. Its collapse, after a decade-long tenure, led Argentine authorities to declare the largest debt default in history. The dissertation examines a series of paradoxes faced by many Western nation-states that are acutely manifest in Argentina. How is the indebtedness implicit in the payment of tax, a debt that is not subject to cancellation or the reciprocal laws of market exchange, reconciled with the form of personhood C.B. Macpherson called "possessive individualism" (1962) whose lineage originated in the Lockean rights-bearing citizen? How is this paradox negotiated in light of what many scholars have noted is a reversal characteristic of modernity where the individual rather than the state is seen as the primary sovereign? How is an elusive trust in authority, upon which national currency depends, reconciled with the widely disseminated perception of economy as a set of rational processes? The dissertation argues that monetary stability hinges, in part, on the state's successful management of these paradoxes. Through multi-sited ethnography, I offer insight into discourses that condition perceptions of the proper directionality of debt between state and citizens, often expressed in views of tax as theft or gift, which critically inform the willingness of elites to store wealth in Argentine currency. Examining the new discursive links forged between accounting and accountability, I trace President Nestor Kirchner's re-signification of the debt default from a source of shame and humiliation to a triumphant gesture of sovereign refusal. I argue that this fiery anti-imperialist discourse, which garnered massive popular support and managed to reconstitute an image of the state as protector rather than thief, was critical to imposing an unprecedented `haircut' on foreign creditors in debt default negotiations. In cafés and households, I document conversations with elites angered by the widespread backlash against neo-liberalism, exasperated by the return of "populism," and persuaded that neo-liberal policies failed only because of a corrupt "political class" (clase politica). Firmly identified with a view of themselves as the primary sovereigns, and believing monetary policy should pivot around individual choice, they feel the country is unworthy of their wealth. Several ethnographic chapters document contentious encounters between tax authorities and elite subjects in seaside resort towns and gated communities, analyzing the strategies mobilized by tax administrations to re-initiate what I call the `fiscal politics of recognition.' The dissertation offers an ethnographic portrait of how elite Argentines grapple with a deep and unresolved tension between the methodological individualism shared by neo-classical economic science and Anglo-American citizenship theory, and the relational and recursive nature of monetary value, which exceeds, and cannot be encompassed by, the languages of market exchange and the social contract. The first chapter is a genealogy of the birth of public finance in relation to theories of liberal individualism in Great Britain, documenting the process through which affectively entangled creditor-debtor relations between state and subjects, while constitutive of civic obligation, nation-building, and trust in modern state economies, were "purified," (Latour 1993) subjected to disciplinary amnesia. A historical chapter considers how the rarefied sciences of economy traveled to South Atlantic shores to be incorporated into a very distinct historical and geo-political assemblage, one where the fiscal and financial entanglements, disavowed but nonetheless exerting a spectral presence in Western European countries, were absent. The sequence and trajectory of state building in Argentina lead to an accentuated version of the paradox discussed above, making it especially difficult to perceive money, not only as a medium of exchange, but as a pathway of recognition, constitutive of economic obligation. Despite a resurgence of interest in the question of sovereignty in critical theory, scholarship on taxation -- by all accounts a defining feature of sovereignty -- is surprisingly limited, often treated as an afterthought in work on economic anthropology and globalization. Building on work in political and economic anthropology on market and fiscal subjectivities, this research focuses on citizens in their capacities as debtors and creditors of the state, providing insight into a fragile fiscal bond that, despite its centrality, has received little attention in anthropologies of modern capitalism. Offering new analytic tools and re-valorizing older ones, this dissertation elucidates the relationships among value, national belonging, and economic insecurity, made newly visible in the wake of financial crisis.

This dissertation focuses on the different ways that religion and secularism are understood and articulated through the practices of Lebanese citizens. Situated at the intersections of legal anthropology, theories of secularism and religion, and interdisciplinary studies of the state and gendered citizenship, my research invites us to rethink theories of liberalism, feminism, and secular modernity by demonstrating how they manifest in non-Western contexts. My project thus challenges us to think more critically about the supposed universality of Euro American articulations of secularism, liberalism, and feminism and asks us to reexamine how these categories are circulated and regulated internationally. I study two practices of Lebanese citizenship; religious conversion as an act that moves between different personal status laws, and advocacy for a secular personal status and/or civil marriage law. This advocacy is a crucial part of what I am calling "da`wa secularism," a term that brings into relief the pedagogical aspect of an activism that aims to saturate the public sphere with a "culture of secularism." Both conversion and da'wa secularism are practices that are predicated on and directed towards the Lebanese legal system. Acts of conversion rely on the laws currently in place; advocacy for a secular personal status seeks to reform them. Despite this divergence between these two practices of Lebanese citizenship, both are couched in and discursively reproduce important aspects of the ideological framework of the Lebanese state. These aspects include the secularity of the state, the role the state is supposed to play in ensuring the protection of Lebanon's pluralism, and the state's mandate to buffer citizens from the overreaching of religious personal status institutions. However, conversion reproduces the state's secularity as the universal space which allows a citizen to change religions freely, while activists suggest that this form of secularism is deficient, dangerous, and "not truly" secular. Similarly, acts of conversion reproduce the citizen as a category of practice that is refracted through the registers of personal status and civil/secular laws and within which the latter has ultimate jurisdiction over the former, while advocacy for a secular personal status seeks to produce Lebanese citizens that are only, and entirely, under the jurisdiction of the civil and secular state. At stake are contending views of secularism, religion, and citizenship.

Esta dissertação apresenta uma pesquisa de mestrado baseada na busca de esclarecimentos acerca dos possíveis significados que os conceitos de cidadania e de cidadão podem manifestar. No desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, inspirada numa concepção de terapia filosófica de cunho wittgeinsteiniano, considerou-se que os sentidos atribuídos ao conceito de cidadania estariam vinculados a situações de uso deste conceito e que somente nestas situações de uso seus diferentes significados poderiam ser compreendidos. Assim, a pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir da análise de discursos extraídos de dois ambientes diversos. O primeiro grupo de discursos foi extraído de um ambiente correlato ao senso-comum (discursos veiculados em sites da internet e coletados em dezembro de 2008). O segundo grupo de discursos foi coletado em periódicos acadêmicos da área pedagógica veiculados entre janeiro de 1997 e dezembro de 2007; os periódicos pesquisados foram: Cadernos Cedes (UNICAMP), Cadernos de Pesquisa (Fundação Carlos Chagas) e Educação e Pesquisa (USP). A partir das análises desses discursos, verificou-se as semelhanças e as diferenças que aproximavam ou distanciavam os significados atribuídos ao conceito de cidadania em cada um deles. A partir da reflexão proporcionada pela verificação dessas aproximações e distanciamentos, pelas amostras de discursos analisados, descobrimos que é possível significar o conceito de cidadania a partir de, pelo menos, duas perspectivas: uma perspectiva que foi chamada de cidadania clássica e outra perspectiva que foi chamada de cidadania multicultural. Assim, os discursos coletados como exemplos puderam ser classificados em três diferentes grupos: um grupo de discursos atrelados a uma concepção de cidadania clássica, outro grupo de discursos atrelados a uma concepção de cidadania multicultural e, por fim, um terceiro grupo de discursos classificados como híbridos pelo fato de que, de alguma maneira, transitavam ou procuravam lidar com os pressupostos ou reivindicações de ambos os tipos de cidadanias, com implicações para as propostas correlatas de uma educação para a cidadania. / This M.A thesis presents research based on the search for enlightenment regarding the possible meanings that the concepts of citizenship and citizen may manifest. In the development of this research, inspired by a Wittgensteinian conception of philosophical therapy, it was assumed that the meanings attributed to the concept of citizenship would be bound to situations in which this concept is used, and that its different meanings could be understood only in these situations. Therefore, the research was developed based on the analysis of discourses extracted from two diverse environments. The first group of discourses was extracted from common sense-like sources (discourses published on web sites, collected in December, 2008). The second group of discourses was collected from pedagogical academic journals, published between January, 1997 and December, 2007. The journals were: Cadernos Cedes (UNICAMP), Cadernos de Pesquisa (Fundação Carlos Chagas), and Educação e Pesquisa (USP). The analyses of these discourses pointed at similarities and differences which brought together or kept away the meanings attributed to the concept of citizenship in each of them. Based on the aforementioned material, it is arguable that it is possible to signify the concept of citizenship from at least two perspectives, here named classic citizenship and multicultural citizenship. As a consequence, the discourses in the corpus could be classified into three different groups: the first connected to the concept of classic citizenship; the second to the multicultural one; and a third hybrid group. The third group was called hybrid because its discourses were in between assumptions and claims of the other two groups, or at least tried to address them, with implications for their proposals of citizenship education.

This thesis is an exploratory study of the lives and experiences of international students who apply for and gain permanent residency (PR) after completing tertiary study in Australia. The thesis uses sociological theories and methods to focus on the ways that students-turned-migrants maintain transnational connections, and negotiate their memberships and sense of belonging across Australia and other countries. This research is important because there is negligible extant literature that connects the international study experience and the skilled migration experience as two steps in the same process. Furthermore, research that does address this phenomenon tends to look at students-turned-migrants as a 'policy problem', usually focusing on their labour market integration. In contrast, this thesis foregrounds this distinctive group of contemporary migrants' subjective experience of the migration process and their ongoing transnational connections. The research used cultural probes (packages of mixed media materials such as diaries, maps and disposable cameras, which participants used to document aspects of their lives) and in-depth interviews to provide a rich understanding of the multiplicity and breadth of participants' individual experiences, with various reflective representations of the individuals' narratives at the core of the study. The analysis covers two aspects of the student-turned-migrant experience: the acquisition of memberships, such as PR and citizenship, and the maintenance of mobilities, including virtual mobility through media and communications technology, and corporeal mobility through forms of travel such as return visits. The analysis reveals that students-turned-migrants undergo a distinct migration experience, characterised by three sequential gates of membership: their entrance as transient students, their acquisition of residency and their decisions about citizenship. Transnational consciousness diffuses their decision-making at each stage of this process, as they negotiate the memberships available to them as a means to balance their desires and obligations across home and host countries. The analysis reveals that student-turned-migrant choices and experiences are often affected by macro-political forces. Choices about citizenship are heavily influenced by global regimes of mobility and the media, and their acqu isition of residency is negotiated through the institutions and regulations of the immigration regime. The analysis also reveals that students-turned-migrants engage with a diverse range of transnational practices, many of which are closely grounded in the use of technology to maintain transnational connections. The findings reframe students-turned-migrants as more than just a policy problem, but rather as a unique group of contemporary migrants, with several key features that set them apart from previous waves of Australian migrants. While they are less integrated into established local ethnic communities, they maintain very strong connections overseas. They maintain regular contact through virtual mobilities and display a high propensity for return travel. They value mobility highly and display an acute awareness of both the advantages and challenges of sustaining mobile lives. The study of their experiences not only reveals a great deal about the nature of transnationality and mobility in an increasingly globalised world, but also suggests that if this type of migration continues in the future, it may have implications for Australia's patterns of cultural diversity and international integration.

This paper looks at the topic of immigration from a philosophical standpoint and concludes that an open border policy is morally obligatory. I first argue that immigration cannot act as a corrective to the problems of global poverty as many philosophers have suggested. I then look at two common defenses for restrictive borders, one resting on the cultural community and one on the political community, and conclude that these two defenses are inadequate. The fact that a restrictive policy is morally unjustifiable coupled with my argument that people ought to be able to enjoy a freedom of movement suggests that an open border policy is necessary.

This is a study of the ways in which citizens construct sense in the voting booth while voting. The experimental design is a pretest posttest control group. The driving theory is that citizens want to convince themselves that they have made sense of the information presented to them. This is their singular value. The reason why this is upheld as the singular value is because without the capacity to construct sense in the voting process, voters would otherwise feel disenfranchised (i.e. deprived of the right to vote) and subsequently feel alienated (i.e. deprived of the rewards that can come from voting). Citizens will be given an opportunity to present bills; they will evoke certain keywords and phrases. The citizen will later evoke varied terminology when confronted with voting patterns from "Senators". The test for the citizen in this experiment will be to remove those Senators who are voting at random and provide reasons for either reelection to or removal from office. There are two anticipated results: 1) Senators voting in random patterns will be removed from office in an equal or lesser proportion than remaining Senators, and 2) responses to non-random voting patterns will evoke lesser variation in terminology employed.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Simon Fraser University, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 336-365). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://www.nlc-bnc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD%5F0021/NQ37758.pdf.

This thesis considers tourism in terms of the disparate dynamics of self and Other that are residual of, as well as different from, previous colonial discourses through connections between histories of Zionist travel and tourism in early twentieth century Palestine and a specific case of contemporary ethno-national tourism - the Birthright tour, which is designed exclusively for Jewish youth to visit Israel. In Chapter 1, I will introduce a history of modern tourist development in Palestine and its relationship to Zionist state building and Israeli statehood after 1948. In Chapter 2, I will analyze the rhetoric of the Birthright tour. My discussion of the Birthright tour will lead me to address questions of ethnicity and citizenship in relation to language, landscape, and monuments. In Chapter 3, I will perform a semiotic reading of the two most emblematic national sites in Israel that are visited by the Birthright tourist - Masada and the Kotel (Wailing Wall or Western Wall). / text

The need to belong to communities is a basic human need and the notion of belonging is central to how we define who we are. But belonging to a national community is not always clear-cut. The paradox of belonging to the German community was made evident in 2005 when a census category—‘persons with a migration background’—was introduced. The new category served to cast some people to the community’s periphery. Instead of ‘Germans’ and ‘foreigners’, the census now records ‘Germans’ and ‘persons with a migration background’. Included in the latter category are German citizens. Germans with a(n obvious) connection to elsewhere who were once counted as ‘German’ are now placed in the newly established census category and counted together with foreigners. This ethnographic study examined how ordinary Germans conceive of Germanness and who they imagine their German community to include. The study asked: What makes a person German? Analysis was couched in historical and contemporary contexts that inform the data. To avoid being mired a priori in the notion of a German Volk, people of various backgrounds having membership in the German nation-state were asked who they take to be ‘German’ and where they draw their lines around the imagined German community. The research data suggests that a penchant for prestige which has long characterized German nationalism continues to influence who is seen as German. Moreover, the boundaries around the characteristics deemed prestigious are guarded by people who feel themselves, subjectively, to be members of the community since they benefit as individuals from the perceived high status of the nation of which they are a member.