This study is a historical analysis of Turkish-Iraqi relations from the Gulf War of 1990 up to the Iraqi elections of 2005 and the end of Transitional Administration Law (TAL) and prior to the permanent constitution. This study attempted to explain how Turkish-Iraqi relations entered into a new phase with the Gulf War of 1990. In this year, Iraq invaded Kuwait. Following this invasion, Iraq was attacked by coalition forces and at the end of this war, Iraq was nearly divided when a safe haven was created for the Kurds in northern Iraq. In this regard, this thesis paid attention to three factors that had significant impact on the foreign policy of Turkey towards Iraq: a de facto Kurdish state in northern part of this country and apprehension about the possibility of an independent Kurdish state, the existance of PKK in northern Iraq as a result of a power vacuum there and concerns about the future fate of Turkomans in Iraq and attempts to protect their rights. This study has demonstrated how Kurdish question has influenced Turkey&rsquo / s policy towards Iraq and restricted its options.

El objeto sobre el que se centra la investigación propuesta es la crisis y guerra del Golfo Pérsico. Éste es muy amplio y, por ello, se hace del todo necesario establecer unos límites que permitan concretar y definir el objeto sobre el que se centrará la tarea investigadora.En principio, el objeto en sentido estricto es el comportamiento de Irak en la crisis y guerra del Golfo y el objeto de estudio serán los aspectos jurídicos de la conducta iraquí durante la crisis y guerra del Golfo.Sin embargo, los aspectos jurídicos del comportamiento de Irak pueden ser analizados desde diferentes disciplinas jurídicas, pues la misma ha tenido gran incidencia en relación al Derecho constitucional, Derecho penal, Derecho administrativo, Derecho internacional, tanto privado como público, etc. Por ello, dentro del ámbito jurídico, debe delimitarse el alcance del estudio del comportamiento de Irak.El investigador que pretenda abarcar la totalidad de vertientes del comportamiento iraquí deberá llevar a cabo un enfoque interdisciplinar de éste. Por ello, hay que afirmar una nueva limitación voluntaria en nuestra tarea investigadora, ya que ésta no tiene por finalidad abarcar la totalidad de aspectos jurídicos relativos al comportamiento observado por las autoridades de Bagdad, sino sólo los aquellos susceptibles de ser incluídos en el seno del Derecho internacional público.Ahora bien, el comportamiento iraquí durante la crisis y guerra del Golfo, en tanto que fenómeno real y no una mera hipótesis de laboratorio, ha incidido sobre muchos de los temas que integran el Derecho internacional público; esto es, el Derecho internacional humanitario, Derechos humanos, Derecho diplomático y consular, Derecho internacional del medio ambiente, etc., circunstancia que ha contribuido en gran medida a dificultar los límites dentro de los cuales hay que desenvolver la presente investigación. En este contexto, debe señalarse que la finalidad perseguida es el análisis de los aspectos jurídico-internacionales de la conducta observada por Irak durante la invasión y ocupación del pequeño emirato, dejando de lado otras cuestiones como la actuación de su gobierno en la represión kurda o chiita en su propio territorio. Esta limitación responde a la necesidad de realizar una investigación coherente y sistemática, canalizando los esfuerzos en una única dirección y evitando la dispersión de los mismos. Como es obvio, tal limitación también responde a necesidades prácticas que, en este caso, vienen representadas por la redacción de la investigación en un espacio de proporciones lógicas.Las limitaciones impuestas permiten delimitar el objeto de investigación: los aspectos jurídico-internacionales del comportamiento de Irak durante la crisis y querra del Golfo Pérsico y de las actuaciones internacionales para exigir la responsabilidad internacional iraquí. La pretensión y alcance que a la perspectiva del problema se intenta dar aquí viene dada por una doble realidad concreta: la actuación iraquí en Kuwait y el Derecho internacional público y de las actuaciones internacionales para exigir la responsabilidad iraquí. Se parte, pues, del hecho obvio de que es la realidad del ordenamiento jurídico-internacional existente en la que se debe analizar la conducta de Irak. Por ello, el presente trabajo pretende ser, dentro de los límites propios de toda investigación, una reflexión sobre los hechos acontecidos en Kuwait durante su invasión y ocupación y durante la guerra iraquí contra la coalición multinacional.Finalmente, hay que indicar que el período de investigación se desarrolló entre los años 1990 y 1993. Como es obvio, la presente labor investigadora podría prolongarse en el tiempo, pues nuevos acontecimientos relacionados con la misma han tenido lugar con el devenir de los meses . Empero, a la luz del objetivo investigador perseguido con este trabajo, pareció oportuno dar por finalizada la tarea investigadora en noviembre de 1992. En todo caso, utilizando un simil musical, podría decirse que todos los trabajos de investigación son una sinfonía inacabada.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006. / Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. "June 2006." AD-A451 305. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-100).

[pt] O Golfo Pérsico é responsável por aproximadamente trinta por cento da produção mundial de petróleo e detém mais da metade das reservas petrolíferas mundiais. A concentração geográfica do principal recurso enérgico, que alimenta o atual padrão tecnológico mundial, eleva essa região a um ponto de passagem obrigatório nas opções de geopolítica de todos os países do Sistema Internacional. O Golfo Pérsico é uma região de grande instabilidade política, e em menos de trinta anos, enfrentou três guerras internacionais: nos anos oitenta a Guerra Irã- Iraque, nos anos noventa a Guerra do Golfo e, mais recentemente a Invasão Americana ao Iraque. Tais conflitos foram marcados pelo uso, ou pela ameaça de uso, de armas de destruição em massa, e pelas perdas de um contingente imenso das populações dos países em conflito. Esta dissertação analisa a participação americana nestes três conflitos, tomando como referenciais conceitos de geopolítica, uma vez que a especificidade da região exige a retomada dessa disciplina que anda esquecida nas análises internacionais. A geopolítica procura enfatizar o impacto da geografia sobre a política; desta forma, a presença do petróleo no território do Golfo Pérsico, entendido como o Coração Energético Mundial, vai influir decisivamente nas suas relações com os outros Estados do Sistema Internacional. Este estudo analisa as opções de geopolítica dos EUA para a região durante os três conflitos, uma vez que assegurar o acesso às fontes de suprimento energético do Golfo Pérsico é um interesse nacional vital americano. / [en] The Persian Gulf produces about thirty per cent of the world's oil, while holding more than a half of the world's crude oil reserves. The geographical concentration of the most important energy resource that holds the world's contemporary technological standard, puts this region in a very important place for the geopolitical options for all countries in the International System. However, the Persian Gulf is a political unstable region in the world, in less than thirty years was involved in three international wars: in the eighties The Iran-Iraq War, in the nineties The Gulf War and recently The American Invasion of Iraq. These conflicts were known by the use or by the threat of use weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and by the heavy casualties in the countries involved in the war. This dissertation analyses the American participation in these three conflicts taking as referential geopolitical concepts, once the specificity of the region demands the rebirth of this discipline that was so often forgotten in the international analyses. The geopolitics emphasize the geographical impact over politics, so the oil reserves in the territory of the Persian Gulf, the energy heartland, will influence the relationship with the others States in the International System. This study examines the American geopolitical options for the region, once a secure access to Persian Gulf is America's national vital interest.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--Stellenbosch University, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During Gulf War II, the American government implemented new media policies which, due to their potentially manipulative impact, became a subject of concern to academics, social commentators and the media alike. Key to these policies was the Department of Defense's Embedded Media Program which allowed hundreds of selected reporters to accompany US forces to the war front. The US openly tried to win international support for the war, and critics felt that this policy was designed to saturate the media with reports supporting the American point of view. This study examines these policies, the history of war reporting as a separate news genre, as well as the fluctuating relations between the US military and the media. Because of the US media policies, the fact that only one South African newspaper reporter was in Iraq during Operation Iraqi Freedom phase of the war and South African newspapers' consequent reliance on foreign news sources, there was a real possibility that the American position would be propagated in the local press. To test whether this was the case, the way the war was reported on in four leading South African newspapers is examined in terms of gatekeeping, agendasetting and framing. Using an adapted version op Propp's fairytale analysis as a standard, it compares the slant and content of the South African coverage to the way four senior US government officials presented the war. Also, the coverage of the newspapers is compared to one another. The analyses indicate that while most of the information published by the newspapers came from American sources, the news reports generally did not mirror the US standpoint, but instead criticised President Bush and the war on Iraq. Neither the frequency of the newspapers, nor its cultural background showed any correlation with the way the war was depicted by the different newspapers. It is therefore concluded that while the US might have been successful in their attempt to "occupy the media territory" in terms of sources cited, they were not able to sway the opinion of the South African press in their favour. However, the US is aware of these failures and plans to rectify the mistakes made in Gulf War II by means of proactive global operations started in times of peace. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog het die Amerikaanse regering 'n nuwe mediabeleid ingestel wat weens die potensieel manipulerende impak daarvan ’n bron van kommer vir akademici, sosiale kommentators en die media self geword het. Sentraal tot hierdie nuwe beleid was die Departement van Verdediging se sogenaamde "Embedded Media Program" wat honderde uitgesoekte joernaliste toegelaat het om Amerikaanse magte na die oorlogsfront te vergesel. Die VSA het openlik probeer om internasionale steun vir die oorlog te werf en kritici het gevoel dat dié beleid ontwerp is om die media met nuusberigte wat die Amerikaanse standpunt steun, te versadig. Hierdie studie ondersoek dié beleid, die geskiedenis van oorlogsverslaggewing as afsonderlike nuus-genre, asook die wisselvallige verhouding tussen die Amerikaanse weermag en die media. Weens die Amerikaanse mediabeleid, die feit dat slegs een Suid-Afrikaanse koerantverslaggewer tydens die Operation Iraqi Freedom fase van die oorlog in Irak was en Suid-Afrikaanse koerante gevolglik van buitelandse nuusbronne afhanklik was, was daar 'n werklike moontlikheid dat die Amerikaanse posisie deur die plaaslike pers gepropageer kon word. Om te toets of dit die geval was, is die manier waarop in vier vooraanstaande Suid-Afrikaanse koerante oor die oorlog berig is, ondersoek in terme van hekwagterskap, agendastelling en raamskepping. Deur 'n aangepaste weergawe van Propp se feëverhaalanalise as maatstaf te gebruik, is die neiging en inhoud van die Suid- Afrikaanse dekking vergelyk met die manier waarop vier senior Amerikaanse amptenare die oorlog voorgehou het. Die koerante se dekking is ook met mekaar vergelyk. Die analises wys dat hoewel die meeste van die inligting wat deur die koerante gepubliseer is van Amerikaanse bronne kom, die nuusberigte oor die algemeen nie die Amerikaanse standpunt weerspieël nie, maar eerder krities teenoor President Bush en die oorlog teen Irak is. Nie die frekwensie van die koerante of die kulturele agtergrond daarvan het enige korrelasie getoon met die manier waarop die oorlog deur die verskillende koerante uitgebeeld is nie. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat hoewel die VSA moontlik daarin geslaag het om die "mediaterrein te okkupeer" in terme van aangehaalde bronne, het hulle nie daarin geslaag om die Suid-Afrikaanse pers se opinie in hul guns te swaai nie. Die VSA is egter bewus van die foute wat tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog gemaak is en beplan om dit deur middel van proaktiewe globale operasies in vredestyd reg te stel.

Thesis titled "The Change of Media image of Israel in Czech Press at the Turn of 80's and 90's" deals with the construction of the media image of Israel in the Rudé právo and Mladá fronta dailies using examples of news about the Lebanon War in 1982 and the outbreak of the first Intifada in 1987. The findings are then compared with media image of Israel in the Mladá fronta Dnes and Lidové noviny dailies and weekly newspa-per Respekt during the Gulf War in 1991 and the signing of the Israeli- Palestinian peace treaty in Oslo in 1993. Research is focused on vocabulary of the news and on historical and political context of Czech-Israeli relations in the eighties and nineties. There is also description of researched newspapers and Czechoslovak media environment and jour-nalistic production in this period. The research method used is qualitative content analy-sis. Media images comparison is based on the selection of specific excerpts from news-paper articles, with the emphasis on a wide range of thematic coverage in the examined periods. List of all researched articles is attached. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

La rencontre historique entre Abdul Aziz Ibn Saoud et le président américain Franklin D. Roosevelt à bord de l’U.S.S Quincy en mer rouge en février 1945, donna lieu à l’instauration des fondements d’une véritable alliance à long terme, basée sur des intérêts communs très forts entre l’Arabie Saoudite et les Etats-Unis. Le royaume a joué d’ailleurs un rôle important dans l’endiguement du nationalisme arabe et dans l’empêchement de toute pénétration soviétique au Moyen-Orient. Il a joué également un rôle central dans l’endiguement de la révolution islamique iranienne de Khomeiny. Cette alliance va mettre cependant du temps pour atteindre le degré au quelle elle est arrivée lors de la guerre du Golfe de 1990-1991, qui a eu comme résultat une présence militaire américaine permanente sur le sol saoudien et la radicalisation de l’opposition islamiste. Les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, qui ont constitué un véritable choc pour les deux pays, provoquèrent un profond malaise dans les relations américano-saoudiennes. Riyad s’est trouvée dans une situation délicate, quinze des dix neuf pirates de l’air étaient Saoudiens ainsi que le chef d’al-Qaida, Oussama Ben Laden. On assista à une détérioration des relations entre les deux pays et une grande suspicion qui eut du mal à se dissiper, malgré les déclarations de bonne volonté des dirigeants des deux pays. Soumise à d’énormes pressions américaines, l’Arabie Saoudite lança une série de réformes en vue de rassurer Washington et faire face également à une situation très compliquée sur le plan interne (problèmes socio-économiques, le rôle de l’institution religieuse wahhabite, l’extrémisme religieux, droits de la minorité chiite, la question de succession…). Le réchauffement constaté dans les relations entre les deux pays à partir de 2003, qui culmina avec l’instauration du « dialogue stratégique » en 2005, laissa rapidement place à une graduelle prise de distance entre Riyad et Washington à propos de plusieurs dossiers régionaux (la situation en Irak, les ambitions régionales ainsi que le programme nucléaire et balistique de l’Iran, le processus de paix, la Syrie…). Cette prise de distance s’est confirmée avec l’éclatement du «printemps arabe » et le lancement par les Etats-Unis d’une nouvelle stratégie, axée sur un désengagement de la puissance américaine vers la zone du Pacifique. / The Historical meeting between Adul Aziz Ibn Saoud and the US President, Franklin D. Roosevelt on bord of U.S.S Quincy in the Red Sea at February, 1945, had set up a real long standing Alliance based on a strong common Interests between Saudi Arabia and the United States. It will take a time for this Alliance to be at the level it had during the Gulf War (1990-1991), Wich had as result a permanent US Military presence in the Kingdom and the radicalization of Islamist Opposition. The 9/11 Attacks, which was a real Choc for the two Countries and provocated an Embarassment in the US- Saudi relations. Riyad was in a delicate situation, Fifteen of the Nineteen Hijackers of September 9, 11 was Saudis such as head of Al-Qaeda Oussama Ben Laden. We assisted then to a deterioration of the relations between the two Countries and a great Suspicion although some declarations of good Intentions by leaders of two Countries. Subject of a tremendous US pressures, the Saudi Arabia has inaugurated a series of Reforms to reassure Washington and to face a complicated internal situation (Socio-economic problems, the role of the Wahhabi religious Institution, religious Extremism, rights of Chia minority, the problem of succession). The warming of the relations between the two Countries by 2003 wich culminated with the instauration of « Strategic Dialogue » in 2005, made rapidly room to a gradual taken distance between Riyad and Washington about some Regional matters (Iraqi situation, the regional ambitions just as the Nuclear and Balistic program of Ira ; Peace Process ; Syria…). This taken distance is confirmed by the events of « Arab Spring » and the New American Strategy of disengagement to the Pacific Zone.

This is a prospective study of a cohort sample of injured Kuwaiti First Gulf War survivors designed to investigate the prevalence of psychiatric morbidity due to combat and exposures to traumatic events. The study included two main phases. The first phase conducted in 1998, and in 2003 the second phase was executed. This study was designed to investigate the contribution of combat physical injury to the neurobiology of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), prevalence rates of PTSD, depression, anxiety and other psychological morbidity, and predictors of chronic PTSD. The first assessment was in 1998 and the second assessment in 2003 that involved biological investigations. Beside the clinical interview and the physical examination of the site of injury, multiple psychological scales and questionnaires were used. Based on DSM-IV criteria of PTSD, after the second assessment the population of this study were classified to: Chronic PTSD(have PTSD at both assessments), Delayed PTSD (have PTSD only on the second assessment), Recovered (have PTSD only in the first assessment), and Never PTSD (have no PTSD in both assessments). The biological assessment include: blood investigations, BMI, and visual analogue. The data of the study were analyzed based on the four PTSD subgroups. In the first chapter an introduction to the First Gulf War was presented followed by the second chapter that discussed literature review. The third chapter tackled the methods used in this study. The fourth to the sixth chapters discussed the results of this study regarding prevalence of Chronic PTSD, Cortisol and PTSD and Thyroid hormones and PTSD respectively. The last chapter presented the limitations and strengths of the study. There were three main hypotheses. First: combat injured survivors with chronic PTSD have cluster of symptoms severity similar to delayed PTSD after 13 years of the trauma and the prevalence of chronic PTSD is constant over time. Second: low cortisol levels observed in chronic PTSD are constant with chronicity, normalize with recovery, unrelated to degree of disability, and are influenced by comorbid disorders. Third: there is minor role for thyroid hormones in chronic PTSD. All of registered Kuwaiti combat injured survivors at the Social Development Office in Kuwait, were approached to voluntary participate in this study. Of 234 individuals 212 participate in the first stage, and out of these 123 participate in the second stage with the addition of 33 new cases that were not examined in 1998 but were registered in SDO after 1998. An informed consent was taken from the participants at both phases. The participants were assessed using General Health Questionnaire, Trauma Questionnaire, Clinician Administered PTSD Scale, Eysenck Personality Questionnaire, Symptom Checklist-90 Revised, and Life Event Scale. Questionnaires and scales applied in the first stage were applied in the second stage with the addition of Impact of Event Scale, Composite International Diagnostic Interview and Scale of Gulf War Syndrome. Biochemical assessment comprised cortisol level, thyroxine (fT4), free triiodothyronine (fT3) and thyroid stimulating hormone (TSH). The blood samples were taken before starting the interview. Physical assessment involved measurements of: pulse rate, systolic and diastolic blood pressure, waist-hip circumference, body mass index and visual analogue before and after the interview. Data entry program using Statistical Package for Social Scientists was used to enter data and analysis. The prevalence rate of delayed onset PTSD (14.6%), chronic PTSD (15.4) recovered from PTSD (22.8%) and never had PTSD (47.2%). With chronic PTSD there are higher cluster of PTSD symptoms severity, not related to severity of physical injury, has more prevalence of PTSD associated symptoms, higher comorbid psychiatric disorders. Intrusions, avoidance and arousal are PTSD cluster of symptoms more predictive of future development of PTSD after the injury. There was a low baseline cortisol level with chronic PTSD, and it was significantly lower in participants with delayed PTSD. Furthermore trauma itself rather than PTSD diagnosis may have an impact on cortisol level. Other psychiatric comorbidity has an enhancing effect on cortisol level. The levels of thyroid hormones were within the normal range. The trend of thyroid function in delayed and chronic PTSD is lower fT3, and TSH and higher fT4 levels, with higher fT3 levels in delayed PTSD compared to chronic PTSD. It was found that the higher severity of trauma score with PTSD the higher fT3 mean values. / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Medicine, 2008

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 11, 2010).

This thesis examines how the press of the erstwhile German Democratic Republic represented Iran in the years from 1949 – the year of the GDR’s formation – until 1989, the last complete year before its demise on 3 October 1990. The study focuses on key events in Iranian history such as the overthrow of the Mossadegh government in 1953, the White Revolution, the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and the Iran-Iraq war. It will be shown that although news and articles were based on selected facts, they still presented a picture of Iran that was at best distorted, the distortions and misrepresentations amounting to what could be described as 'factual fiction'. Furthermore, clear evidence will be provided that economical and political relations with Iran were a primary concern of the GDR’s leadership, and thus also of the GDR’s press and have therefore dominated the reporting on Iran. Whatever ideological concerns there may have been, they were hardly ever allowed to get in the way of amicable relations with the Shah or later with the Islamic Republic. Only in periods where the two countries enjoyed less amicable or poor relations, was the press free to critically report events in Iran and to openly support the cause of the SED’s communist Iranian sister party, the Tudeh. Despite East Germany’s diametric ideological environment and despite the fundamentally different role that the GDR’s political system had assigned to the press and to journalism, East Germany’s press was as reliant on the input of the global news agencies as any Western media. The at times almost complete reliance on Western news agencies as sources for news on Iran challenged more than just the hermeneutic hegemony the SED and the GDR’s press wanted to establish. After all, which news and information were made available by the news agencies to the media in both East and West was primarily determined by the business interests of said agencies. The study makes a contribution to three fields: Modern Iranian history, (East-) German history and media studies. The most valid findings were certainly made in the latter.