Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Géopolitique : Paris 8 : 2006. / La version électronique de la thèse comporte quelques différences de mise en page par rapport à l'originale imprimée. Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr. p. 537-598. Notes bibliogr. Index.

Thèse de doctorat : Droit public : Nancy 2 : 2002. / Bibliographie.

Thèse de doctorat : Langues et littératures romanes : Espagnol : Paris 10 : 2009. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brown University, 2008. / Vita. Advisor : Julio Ortega. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 202-205).

Thesis (doctoral)--İstanbul Üniversitesi, 1988. / At head of title: İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü. Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. 190-202).

After reversion of Canal ownership from the U.S. to Panama in 1999, the construction of Panamanian national identity became deeply tied to notions of development. This thesis explores how the discourse of development is created, circulated and negotiated through important Panamanian cultural institutions. It shows how race and raced bodies became the dominant site for the negotiation of Panamanian national identity in the post-Reversion era. This discourse of development promotes the “myth of mestizaje”—a myth that the nation is homogeneous and without racial difference. Through the example of Panama, we perceive the cracks in the global notion of development as “common sense” and uniformly experienced. / text

This dissertation demonstrates that twentieth-century dramas by Sean O'Casey, John Osborne, and Harold Pinter continue the convention of nineteenth-century domestic drama. From the expressionist movement, theatre of the absurd, and theatre of anger, to the theatre of extremes, diverse theatrical experiments in the twentieth century urged critics to focus on the contemporary theatrical effort to break away from convention. Consequently, critics have often emphasized the disconnectedness of the twentieth-century avant-garde theatre from nineteenth-century conventions, especially from the tradition of the well-made drawing room drama. My thesis focuses on the trajectory of the nineteenth-century domestic melodrama. Despite the seeming disconnection, nineteenth-century domestic melodrama still lurks within political theatre in the twentieth century as a cultural inheritance. This study argues that the aforementioned twentieth-century playwrights participate in political critique through the discourse of domesticity. Despite the geographical and temporal differences, the characters in the plays all struggle in the absence of communal integrity or national consensus. They suffer from war trauma, from disillusioned nationhood, from abuses of power, and from fascist violence. In addressing the fractured nationhood, these playwrights reference the Victorian perceptions of the home, the mother, and the nation. While the Victorian discourse of domesticity celebrated the idea of the home as a non-material, sacred haven and admired female virtue in support of patriarchal/national stability, Victorian domestic dramas displayed the anxieties surrounding domesticity. This dissertation examines how the twentieth-century plays considered here enhance the vision of late nineteenth-century domestic drama and exploit the myths of the home, the woman and the nation. / text

This thesis examined the political history of Black Nationalism in America in order to determine those internal organizational factors that have prevented Black Nationalists, specifically of the Black Power Era (1 966-1 975), from achieving selfdetermination, with the highest expression being the founding of an independent Black nation-state. The study was based on the premise that the goal of Black Nationalism was the founding of a Black nation-state for African-Americans. A historical comparative analysis was used to determine what internal factors prevented Black Nationalists from successfully founding a Black nation-state. The researcher found several internal factors that interfered with the founding of a Black nation-state. Factors which contributed to the unsuccessful movement were the immaturity of Black Nationalist leadership, the abandonment of political programs, shifts 1 in program strategies, and the antagonism and neglect of the Black Church as an ally in the movement. The conclusion drawn from the findings suggest that there are other internal factors which need further exploration.

This dissertation examines 'sovereignty' as not only a theoretical abstraction of power relations within finite territories, but also as a very alive practice, a daily defense of inherent rights based on Indigenous philosophical notions of power and space. I examine the perspectives of Indigenous practitioners who either through their conversations and/or life ways cultivate an original conception of sovereignty, specifically the governance of the Gwich'in people, a nation of 15 villages in the Arctic Circle. As an Indigenous nation living within legal structures of a settler state, they offer an alternative understanding of collective political power, rooted outside the western European paradigm but simultaneously confronting those ambits. I argue that rather than an alternative narrative of resistance towards secession or segregation, the Gwich'in Nation provide a viable, pro-active and realized form of co-existent sovereignty. This sovereignty is a form of political collective identity and a relationship with the environment and non-human actors, as well as other governments, that is productive, creative and focused as much on future generations as drawing from tradition.

The nation-state has for a long time appeared to have eluded the attempts of scholars to encapsulate its essence in theory. Rather than propose another attempt at encapsulation, this dissertation represents a form of geographical supplementation to these efforts. As a work of geography it focuses on the negotiation of nation-states, and, in doing so, traces a double displacement of encapsulation. Primarily, the four major studies comprising the dissertation represent geographical research which, using a wide range of archival and contemporary media material, makes manifest the irreducible complexity of the negotiations in, over and between nation-states at the end of the twentieth century. Focused on Canada and the USA, these studies trace how a diversity of cultural as well as political-economic processes come together in the inherently geographical negotiations of First Nations struggles, Canadian constitutional politics, continental free trade developments, and American patriotism. These are negotiations where no one process fully encapsulates an explanation of the events and where their collective but contested territorialization calls out for an open-ended and anti-essentialist analysis. Secondarily, while the dissertation's first and more central work of displacement is enabled by poststructuralist critiques of essentialist explanation, its other displacing effect comes in the form of a geographical deconstruction of so-called poststructuralist theory itself. This represents an attempt to turn the elusive nature of the nation-state vis-a-vis theory into a living and politicized site for investigating the limits of poststructuralist theorizing. Overall, the geographical investigations of the dissertation illustrate the value of anti-essentialist arguments for furthering geographical research into the nation-state while simultaneously calling these epistemological innovations into geographical question. Using such questioning to critique the limited geographical representation of the nationstate, it is concluded that geographers cannot not persistently examine such limits.