Academisch proefschrift--Leyden. / Summary in French.

Academisch proefschrift--Leyden. / Summary in French.

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Queensland, 2005. / Includes bibliography.

Nowadays, the G77 is a key factor in North-South negotiations at the UN to achieve global commitments. On the understanding that neoliberalism is an economic rationale that strongly influences the relationship between North and South, this research explores the influence of a primordial neoliberalism in Latin American interest in taking part in the G77 at the First United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Utilising the ideas of Michel Foucault to analyse discourses of the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) since its incorporation into the G77 establishment, this work claims that the neoliberal rationale in part lies behind the mechanism that leads Latin American countries to take part in the G77 at the UNCTAD I. This mechanism is the need for development and the consequent concept of “developing country” reinforced by the G77 at the UN negotiations. In particular, the lack of natural resources in international markets due to the world wars produced the need for surveillance of non-industrialised countries. This surveillance, called here “Police of Development”, was supported by knowledge of natural resources provided by the ECLA, and reinforced the differentiation of countries. This differentiation promoted the need for industrialisation and the need for development. Thus, in a context of lack of financing and deterioration of the international terms of trade of natural resources, Latin Americans seeking development present themselves as “developing” countries in their international negotiations through the G77. The idea of development encourages the production and export of natural resources, which is necessary for a continuous availability of raw materials in international trade to maintain the expansion of markets, a basic precept of neoliberalism.

The discourse regarding US/Russia relations focuses intensely on the competitive nature between these two powers. Policy makers echo strategies of the past by making recommendations which embrace competitiveness and mutual mistrust as unavoidable characteristics for future relations. Although these perspectives are not entirely misled, they fall short of illustrating the finer nuances of relations. This paper offers an extensive analysis of three instances of cooperation between the US and Russia in Syria between 2011 and 2017 in order to offer concrete observations about how these antagonistic powers work together. The analysis shows that although the US and Russia are competitive and often have opposing agendas, this does not necessarily prevent them from cooperative engagement that produces substantive results. Their polarity can even contribute to more effective cooperation. This paper also draws conclusions about what circumstances improve the effectiveness of US/Russia cooperation and makes recommendations for future mutual efforts in Syria.

The contemporary global system is characterised by the presence of a multitude of International Organisations (IOs) whose relevance is sustained by the roles they play. Among these IOs, the United Nations (UN) is of paramount importance as a result of its universal membership and extensive mandate. Its international role is influenced by its evolving structures, practices and goals. Among its most recent objectives are the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) which address the challenge of holistic human development at the global level. This study aims to assess the UN’s role in pursuing the MDGs as they relate to the development of children in West Africa. The first two of the eight goals have been selected for the purpose of focusing the research, namely the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, and the elimination of illiteracy by achieving universal primary education. Children, who bear the brunt of global underdevelopment and whose development is a key element in breaking cycles of poverty, are the focus of the study. The general and historical role played by the UN in advancing child development is therefore assessed with regards to the issue-fields indicated by the two selected MDGs. Specific application is then done in the case of West Africa, chosen as case study because the region is the poorest in the world and arguably indicative of most urgent MDG focus. Clive Archer’s analytical outline, which depicts IOs variously as instruments, arenas and actors, is used as a conceptual framework. Archer contends that IOs can be utilised as instruments by other global actors, serve as arenas for dialogue and cooperation among such actors and also assume proactive, independent identities as actors in pursuit of specific objectives. The study concludes that Archer’s framework is relevant, but that the existence of all three roles in the same functional space has notable and often contradictory implications. While the UN generally plays its roles as actor and arena in achieving its first two MDGs among West African children with relative ease, its role as instrument is dependent on the agendas and political will of other actors in the global system. Notwithstanding the weakness of its role as instrument, however, the UN’s triad of roles towards the development of children, and specifically children in West Africa, is a key element of the organisation’s global relevance. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This thesis argues that a tension exists between a new individualized norm of security within the counter-terrorism context and human security framework of the United Nations Security Council, focusing on the implications of the resolution 1267 counter-terrorism regime. This topic is of particular relevance as the threat of terrorism continues to grow and evolve. While the human security framework has been well studied, the individualization of security through counter-terrorism is a more recent development, and its tensions and implications have not been fully considered. This thesis uses a discourse analysis in order to demonstrate that counter-terrorism is constructed as a norm, and that there has been a shift in norms within the UN Security Council in relation to counter-terrorism and human rights. It will trace how a set of norms has emerged in order to make terrorism a part of the Security Council’s agenda, and how and why these have changed. In order to trace these norms, terrorism has been separated into two stages: state-sponsored and international terrorism, where terrorism was viewed as a threat stemming from state-governments and; transnational terrorism, where it was viewed as a trans-border threat arising from individuals. Within these stages, the objectives, targets and tools of the Council’s counter-terrorism policies will be studied in order to demonstrate how they work together to reinforce a norm. The analysis will be used to show how the case of Kadi v. Council and Commission came about in the transnational terrorism stage as a direct result of the Security Council’s counter-terrorism regime and its alleged breach of human rights. The Kadi case demonstrates that a tension does exist between the norm of individualization of security within the counter-terrorism context and the human security framework.

The thesis deals with the role of the United Nations in resolution of international ethnic conflicts. The aim of the thesis is to try to evaluate the activities of United Nations in resolution of the Kosovo ethnic -- cultural conflict. The thesis sets the problem into context of United Nations' approach to ethnic conflicts. It analyses the historical development of the Kosovo conflict and the impact of the United Nations' activities. On basis of the gathered knowledge the thesis concludes that in spite of many partial problems, the activity of United Nations in Kosovo may be considered effective.

No description available.

In the wake of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States (U.S.), many states, responding to United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolutions, began to adopt an increased array of counter-terrorism measures.The Security Council had not in the beginning pre-empted the risk of counter-terrorism measures violating counter-terrorism human rights as it failed to immediately refer to states‟ duty to respect human rights in their responses to terrorism. It was only in 2003, in Resolution 1456, that the Security Council stated such duty by providing that „states must ensure that any measures taken to combat terrorism must comply with all their obligations under international law, in particular international human rights, refugee and humanitarian law". / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nii A. Kotey, Faculty of Law, University of Ghana. Ghana. 2010. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM