Between 1940 and 1945, the Special Operations Executive (SOE) carried out sabotage and organised resistance across occupied Europe. There have, however, only been a small number of scholarly studies of SOE’s activities, and no specific examination of its involvement in occupied Norway. This thesis, therefore, is the first multi-archival, international, and academic analysis of its policy and operations in this country and the influences that shaped them. The proposition is that it was the changing contribution of both SOE and Norway within the wider strategic context in Europe that was the predominant factor behind its plans for this theatre, and other factors, although material, were of secondary importance. These included SOE’s relationship with the Norwegian government-in-exile and the resistant movements that emerged in response to the occupation, especially Milorg, which set out to form an underground army within the country. As well as collaboration with the other clandestine organisations and regular armed forces that had a military involvement in Norway. Through an examination of these contextual influences this work argues that between 1940 and 1945, in step with its original strategic role, SOE’s policy for Norway consisted of a short-term objective, which through activities such as sabotage was to help undermine German fighting strength, and a long-term objective of forming a secret army. These aims could not, however, be achieved or implemented without the co-operation of the Norwegian military authorities and Milorg, who provided most of the manpower, and the assistance of the other military agencies that often operated alongside SOE. From the beginning, therefore, SOE deliberately set out to work with all these parties, but always on the basis that any joint activity was undertaken in accordance with British and Allied interests. This meant that SOE’s operations in Norway were ultimately the result of a blend of influences. It was, however, this country’s subordinate and peripheral position in relation to the main thrust of Allied strategy in Europe that was the crucial factor. The constructive relationship that the organisation eventually had with the Norwegian authorities and Milorg was also important because it meant that SOE both received the support it required and managed to ensure Allied control over special operations in this theatre. It was, therefore, a relationship that was beneficial and rather than undermining SOE’s plans, it underpinned them and guaranteed they remained in step with strategic and military requirements.

Our memory and understanding of women's experiences at the Front during the First World War are overwhelmingly influenced by the autobiographical account of Vera Brittain. Testament of Youth was published in 1933 as part of a wave of antiwar literature produced by men and women. Brittain's chronicle of the war achieved renewed popularity in the 1970s and early 1980s when it was dramatised by the BBC and acclaimed by feminist academics who recognised its value in contesting the predominantly male literary war canon. Brittain wrote about the effects of losing the young men in her life, her fiance and her brother, and the inability she felt as a young woman, to achieve anything constructive during the war. When her fiance enlisted in the army she decided to enrol as an auxiliary nurse with the Red Cross Voluntary Aid Detachment (VAD), believing this would give her at least some idea of what it was like to experience war. The loss of the men she loved shaped her war experiences, as did the labour and anguish of volunteer nursing and the eclipse of her youth in a war that she considered neither just nor worthwhile. Her experience of being a young woman from a provincial middle-class background, without medical training, going off to war to nurse as a way of comprehending the experiences of the men closest to her came to personify the experience of women who went to the Front.

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International Telemetering Conference Proceedings / October 30-November 02, 1995 / Riviera Hotel, Las Vegas, Nevada / The Internet, as the online worldwide connection of computers has come to be known, has now grown to the point of emergence as a major tool in many applications. It will soon become, if it has not already become, an indispensable source of information and interaction for scientists and business people alike. The use of the Internet's various protocol's, including mail, newsreader, and file transfer, produces a global interconnectedness that is impossible to achieve in any other fashion. It is also important to realize that the Internet is currently doubling in size every year and will continue to grow at an extremely accelerated rate for at least the next five years. It is therefore important to be aware of the various applications made possible by use of the Internet, and of the potential for telemetry related uses.

The growth and development of democratic regimes across the globe has been of particular interest to political scientists over the last several decades. The question of what is an appropriate and relevant regime depends on various aspects of peopleâ s political ideals. Mozambique is one such nation wherein democratic developments have been recent and somewhat successful. This thesis focuses firstly on the views and political ideals of rural dwellers, and secondly on generational differences in political ideals and views on regime legitimacy at the local level. It suggests youth and the elders have different views concerning how they should be ruled and what constitutes a legitimate political regime. At the local level, there are manifestations of the central democratic regime and the historically traditional regime. Rural youth consider the democratic regime to be legitimate and the traditional regime to be incompatible with their ideals. In their opinion, the existing traditional regime is outdated and irrelevant. Older adults in rural areas, in contrast to the youth, are aware of the duality in regime-types at the local level, but believe there is a place in the community for both to exist. In the opinion of the adults, both regimes are compatible with their ideals and are thus legitimate. If these two significant segments of Mozambican society â rural youth and rural elders - hold strongly opposing views concerning what constitutes a legitimate regime, this would hold important implications for regime legitimacy in Mozambique.

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This study attempts to ascertain the role of the World Bank and its problematical issues in Balkan countries. The foreign aid holds a key impact in these economies, but on the other hand it embraces a controversial aspect. The contradictory role of the World Bank lies in aid ineffectiveness at reducing poverty and sustaining economic growth. The foreign aid inflows did not manage to fulfill its objectives efficiently, since they created income inequalities in the region favoring distinctive economies. Corruption and bad-governmental management would expand the controversially further. Additionally, the study analyzes the impact of aid on economic growth empirically using a panel data set comprising of five Balkan economies during 2000-2010 period. We find negative and significant evidence of aid impact on growth. Moreover, the relation between governance and growth resulted positive. Results display a clear framework of aid ineffectively across the region. The Balkan countries should therefore focus on a better effective management of the World Bank aid to reduce poverty, income inequality and to achieve the economic growth.

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