Since 2009 the Nigerian state has been under the throes of the deadly terrorist activities of the Islamic sect formally known as Jama’atuAhlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad (Association for propagating the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad). The sect, popularly dubbed Boko Haram, meaning Western civilization/education is forbidden, claims to be on a mission to Islamize the Nigerian State. Prima facie Boko Haram’s motivations appear to be religious; however, considering factors such as the dismal socio-economic conditions that prevail in the northern region, the epicentre of the sect, a religious explanation alone is reductive. Accordingly, using the root cause theoretical framework and a qualitative method of data analysis, this study investigates the socio-economic determinants of the emergence and persistence of Boko Haram terrorism. The alarming socio-economic inequality and deprivation manifested in pervasive poverty across the nation, but particularly in the northern region is accentuated as one of the main factors that predispose the teeming disenchanted and jobless populace, particularly the youths in the region to take arms against the state. Fundamentally, Boko Harm terrorism pivots on the growing anti-state tendency in Nigeria, a state arguably losing its legitimacy as a result of her inability and failure to meet the political, social and economic needs of its populace. Among the reasons for this failure include pervasive corruption and maladministration largely entrenched by the monocultural nature of the oil centric national economy. Based on the interdisciplinary nature of this degree program – Politics, Philosophy and Economics – this study philosophically engages the concept of terrorism; situates the debates on the socio-economic determinants of terrorism within the particular context of the Nigerian political economy; contributes to the body of literature that seeks to provide an understanding of the Boko Haram phenomenon from the perspective of its socio-economic determinants; and suggests some relevant policies for addressing this particular crisis as well as those of other like-minded groups in the country. Given that the state’s militarised approach to the crisis has hardly been able to efficiently stall the sect’s terrorist activities, this study accents the need for a long term solution characterised by addressing the root causes, especially through the socio-economic development of the mostly affected northern region. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

The inauguration of Nelson Mandela as President of South Africa after the first-ever democratic elections, in many ways marked the end of official apartheid and the beginning of new times in the country's history. For the labour movement it became imperative to entrench its position during this period of transition, even under an ANC led government. Despite securing a relatively labour-friendly macro-economic policy early on in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the next few years were to see a more pronounced decline in the influence of labour in the South African political economy. The marginalisation of labour did not, however, result in an absolute dismissal of labour's concerns, but saw a particularly narrow conception of "labour relations" being articulated, characteristic in government priority support of business elements over transformatory ideals. This paper explores the pressures and strains for labour under the new democratic dispensation by specifically examining the factors that bring about the emasculation of labour. The decline of labour is examined in three levels. Characteristic in all three levels is the hegemony of neo-liberalism that manifest in the international political economy, the South African, as well as workplace specific contexts. Firstly, the hegemony of neo-liberalism globally is examined. Individual states under pressure from the prevailing international system pressure states to adopt increasing economic liberalisation. The implications of the neo-liberal hegemony on the trade union movement globally are also considered. Secondly, the domestic variables that account for the decline in labour are considered. This is largely the domain of the institutional, policy, organisational and ideological shift in "labour relations" in South Africa. Thirdly, changes at the level of the workplace as a result of neo-liberal iii ascendancy are examined. The revival of a much more progressive labour movement, it is argued, has to consider the nature of all these limiting factors, and recast itself into a much more "flexible" trade unionism. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

Abstract not available.

While a lot of ink has been spilled and numerous papers devoted to the variegated causes of the Niger Delta conflict, what has been conspicuously moot in the literature is their integration into a sufficient explanatory system to facilitate the intelligibility of empirical data and support effective policy intervention. Also, while writers have investigated the internal dimensions of the conflict, little systematic attention has been paid to its international dimensions. The study proposes to fill these gaps in existing literature through a two-level analysis of the Niger Delta Conflict: (1) internal (2) international. The internal level is anchored on a four-dimensional explanation which argues that political and economic factors are the root causes of the Niger Delta conflict, with environmental and social-security factors as the proximate causes. At the international level, the study probes the role of the international community in the moderation of the Niger Delta conflict and concludes with an appraisal of the extent to which the internationalisation of the conflict engendered both attitudinal and policy shifts on the parts of key players. Problematising the usefulness of majoritarian democracy for resource starved plural societies, the study canvasses, inter alia, the implementation of consociational mechanisms in the Nigerian political process as a more effective way of mitigating the seething cauldron of conflicts in the Niger Delta, and promoting inter-ethnic equity and amity in Nigeria as a whole. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2011.

To state that the 1994 Rwandan genocide was one of the most horrific catastrophes that occurred in the 20th century is to restate the obvious. This thesis is an analytical exploration of the root causes of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. It explains how Tutsi became non-indigenous Hamities and how Hutu became native indigenous, leaving the two populations to be identified along racial and ethnic lines. In 1933, the Belgians introduced identity cards which specified one‟s ethnic affiliation, giving birth to political identities as Hutu and Tutsi ceased to become cultural identities and became political identities. The identities of Hutu and Tutsi were not only legally enforced, but they also became linked to the governance of the state. Tutsi was now associated with state power and domination, while Hutu was linked with suppression and discrimination. Independent Rwanda, the Hutu took over power and continued to subscribe to some of the colonial racists ideologies and maintained Tutsi and Hutu as political identities. The once oppressed Hutu became the oppressor, whilst the once dominate Tutsi became the oppressed. The victim group construction theories were used in this study to examine the ills of race-branding in independent Rwanda. The Hutu regimes of the First Republic (1962-1973) and the Second Republic (1973-1994), failed to go beyond the colonist‟s strategy of divide and rule and instead continued to apply this racist ideology to bring justice to the Hutu, which turned into revenge for the Tutsi. Hence, this study analysis and evaluates how the citizenship and political identity crisis led to the 1994 Rwandan genocide. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

The study is premised on a notion of 'African crisis'. Since the notion of crisis is multi-dimensional, hence susceptible to variable interpretations and emphases, the study posits and argues two interconnected hypotheses, thus operating within a finite investigative and interpretive framework It is hypothesised that a crisis of the state in Africa to a significant extent is a crisis in the spheres of political legitimacy and social cohesion. As both spheres fall within the operational ambit of ideology, the study examines the concept in some depth. In order to investigate the problematic of ideology in decolonising and postcolonial Africa, a distinction is made between ideology per se and phenomena and practices deemed ideological. During a process of exploring and analysing this distinction, cognisance is taken of the interface between ideology and social science paradigms. From this interface emerges the notion of an 'ideological paradigm'. Accordingly, it is hypothesised that two dominant paradigms in Cold War era Africa, namely, modernisation theory and scientific Marxism, are implicated in the crisis of the state. Included in this proposition is an argument that the application of exogenous developmental schematics in effect reproduced a colonial ethos inhospitable to endogenous innovation and initiative, not least in respect to the formulation and application of ideologies adequately congruent with - hence intelligible to - the lived worlds of Africans. Moreover, to the extent that the post Cold War era is characterised by the dominance of a neoliberal paradigm, this contention is of continuing relevance. The better to distinguish between an ideological paradigm and an ideology, the study investigates two significant departures from paradigmatic convention in decolonising Guinea-Bissau and postcolonial Tanzania. Both Amilcar Cabral and Julius Nyerere articulated and applied ideologies on the whole grounded more in local contexts than in exogenous paradigms. While Cabral's thesis is discussed at some length during the course of a literature review, Ujamaa in Tanzania comprises the dissertation's main case study. Tanzania is conceptualised as embarking on a post-independence quest for an inclusive epistemology on which to base an ideology at once locus-specific and informed by general tenets of human-centred socialism. From this quest emerged a national ethic that - in a post Cold War era - continues to influence state-societal relations in Tanzania, and thus has proven to be of lasting value. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.

This is a study, through extensive empirical fieldwork research, of political elite formation in the Provincial Legislature of KwaZulu-Natal over a ten-year period from 1994-2004. The period of this study covers two successive provincial government elections and two terms of office. The first election was the founding election of South Africa's new democracy. Through the frameworks of classical and democratic elite theory, the social and political composition, patterns of recruitment, values, ideology and institutional capacity of the elected members of the legislature are analysed. The findings of this study demonstrate that the new institutional context has provided for greater party fluidity and instability in the legislature of a political elite that came to power through fragmented and contradictory alliances, has become more homogenous, and for some, their contradictory affiliations tie their interests to the legislature. In addition, an emerging political culture of value systems and ideology is beginning to take shape across political parties in a manner that has the potential to undermine the democratic institutions of government. As a product of this, and an underdeveloped institutional capacity, certain issues dominate the provincial agenda as the elite come to redefine their interests. Alongside this the longevity of a few is guaranteed. As such, political elite formation in KwaZulu-Natal has the potential to undermine the basis of democracy in the province. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2008.

All praise is to God who has made everything possible. This thesis has been a truly exciting and intellectually rewarding project. However, it would not have been possible without the help of a number of important people: I would firstly like to express, sincerely and earnestly, my gratitude to Professor Lawrence Hamilton, who has been an incredible supervisor. Not only has he been the victim of my ongoing dilemmas but he has also patiently, supportively, encouragingly and positively contributed to my personal intellectual growth. He has never turned away from my want to initiate a supervision session, no matter how random a place or time, and has always reacted in the same measured and well-thought out way, providing the stimulating feedback every graduate student can only hope for. Secondly I would like to thank my family for their unyielding support, love and concern, at times when I needed it most. They know what they have done individually and collectively and I cannot thank them enough. Thirdly, I would like to especially note the help and guidance ofDr Magnus Ryan, from Peterhouse College, University of Cambridge who, by sharing his expertise and knowledge of Medieval Political thought, illuminated my understanding of the subject. Fourthly, I would like to thank Dr David James for his help and comments on one of my final drafts. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

Abstract not available. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

As the third sphere of government, and the one 'closest to the people', local government has been given a mandate of promoting and ensuring community participation in its municipal governance. Both the Municipal Structures Act of 1998 and the Municipal Systems Act of 2000 establish broad principles as well as responsibilities that local government has in promoting a system of participatory governance. The National Youth Policy of 2000 recommended municipalities to establish mechanisms and structures for youth participation in its decision making process. A proposed local youth machinery that municipalities may implement consists of Youth Units/desks, Councillors for the youth, Youth Councils and a support system to ensure effective functioning of the above structures. Other opportunities for youth participation in local government include the IDP and Budget processes and ward committees. Using uMsunduzi Municipality as my case study, the study looked at the extent to which youth structures realised young people's participation in local government and the difference this makes to its decision making processes. A significant finding of the study was that Youth Units are best positioned to facilitate meaningful youth participation and remain the only youth structure with a potential of bringing greater youth involvement in the IDP/Budget process and ward committees. However, for Youth Units to be effective, functional and be able to play their leadership role they need both financial and human resources from the municipality. Without this kind of support they remain irrelevant and useless to the youth in ward committees who continue to remain marginalised. An understaffed Youth Unit without enough money and resources will always struggle to move youth participation from tokenism to meaningful participation in government participatory structures and processes. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.