In response to the globalizing queerness argument and the cultural specificity argument in queer cultural studies, this thesis examines the emerging modern queer identity and culture in the contemporary People’s Republic of China (PRC) in an intercultural context. Recognizing Chinese queer culture as an unstable, transforming and complex collection of congruent and/or contesting meanings, not only originated in China but also traveling across cultures, this thesis aims to exorcise the reified images of Chinese queers, or tongzhi, to contribute to the understanding of a dynamic construction of Chinese queerness at the turn of a new century, and to lend insight on the complicity of the elements at play in this construction by analyzing the underground films with queer content made in the PRC.

In this thesis, I examine how colonial constructs on Chinese culture affects people's views toward sexual minorities in Hong Kong. In the first Chapter, I explain the shift of my research focus after I started my research. I also conduct a brief literature review on existing literature on sexual minorities in mainland China and Hong Kong. In the second Chapter, I examine interviewees' accounts of family pressure and perceived conflicts between their religious beliefs and sexual orientation. I analyze interviewees' perceptions of social attitudes toward sexual minorities. Hidden in these narratives is an internalized colonial construct of Chinese culture in Hong Kong. This construct prevented some interviewees from connecting Christianity with oppression toward sexual minorities in Hong Kong. In the third Chapter, I examine the rise of right-wing Christian activism in pre- and post- handover Hong Kong. I also analyze how sexual-minority movement organizations and right-wing Christians organized in response to the political situation in Hong Kong. Then, I present the result of content analysis on debates around two amendments to the Domestic Violence Ordinance (DVO)-the first legislation related to sexual minorities in Hong Kong after handover. I draw on data from online news archives and meeting minutes and submissions of the Legislative Council (LegCo). Based on the rhetoric of US right-wing Christians' "(nuclear) family values," Hong Kong right-wing Christians supported excluding same-sex cohabiting partners from the DVO. This rhetoric carved out a space for different narratives about "Chinese culture" and "Chinese family." These different versions of Chinese culture matched diasporic sentiment toward the motherland and gained currency from post-handover political landscape and power configuration in Hong Kong. These versions also revealed the colonized and diasporic mindset of opponents of the amendments; these mindsets also reflect the same internalized colonial construct of "Chineseness" my interviewees have. Based on analyses of interview data in Chapter II and in Chapter III of how people view sexual minorities, I argue that a colonial diasporic psyche aptly captures people's views toward sexual minorities in Hong Kong. Since the political situation and DVO are specific to Hong Kong, I do not include interviewees who are not of Hong Kong origin in this thesis.

I argue that Xing hun (Contract marriage)” and “Coming out with Chinese characteristics” are creative and feasible approaches for Chinese Tongzhi (queer) from the perspective of vertical historical development. My study is a critical intercultural examination of the western-centric in dominant queer discourse. I discussed the non-confrontational communication practices which are different from the western confrontational practices (visibility & sexuality identity). / Transnational forces in the processes of globalization have determined the identities of the Chinese queer population. This thesis aims to explore how global capitalism, information and communication technology, and international collaboration in dealing with HIV and AIDS have facilitated the spread of western queer discourses and ideologies to China, and how these forces have influenced the construction of Chinese Tongzhi/queer identities. I use the discourse analysis to argue that the western norms of queer “coming out” and “declaring identity” can be an action accompanied by risk in the Chinese social, cultural, and political contexts, given that homosexual desires have challenged the institutions--not just sexuality but also marriage and family-- of heteronormativity. Chinese Tongzhi have to deal with the tension between Chinese traditional norms and western queer culture by negotiating some complex and dynamic strategies for defining their sexual identities. These strategies include “keeping silent about one’s sexual identity, or not coming out” and “having xinghun (contract and fake marriages with opposite-sex individuals.)” as a compromise between their traditional family obligations and homosexual desires in order to be able to live a “tolerable” queer life. I conclude that the strategies of the Chinese Tongzhi illustrate the agency of Chinese queers in creating a feasible space in which to live with their sexual identities and the process of globalized queer culture in a specifically Chinese context. / Thesis / Master of Social Work (MSW) / This thesis aims to explore how global capitalism, information and communication technology, and international collaboration in dealing with HIV and AIDS have facilitated the spread of western queer discourses and ideologies to China, and how these forces have influenced the construction of Chinese Tongzhi/queer identities.Chinese Tongzhi has to deal with the tension between traditional Chinese norms and western queer culture by negotiating some complex and dynamic strategies for defining their sexual identities.

There is an increasing movement recognizing LGBT rights in the international arena. In China, “tongzhi” (a Chinese term for LGBT) still face massive discrimination due mainly to the Chinese government’s repressive indifference policy. This thesis follows Kees Waaldijk’s developmental pattern theory of the recognition of gay rights, starting from decriminalisation, anti-discrimination, and reaching partnership legislation. It examines this theoretic pattern in relation to the development of sexual minority rights in the United Nations (UN), European and Canadian human rights law systems. Although every jurisdiction has its own unique aspects, each basically followed Waaldijk’s pattern. The thesis concludes that the application of privacy, equality and non-discrimination principles have helped sexual minorities to achieve equal rights in a variety of fields. The thesis further examines whether the experiences within these three human rights systems can be adopted in the Chinese context. Since the UN laws are soft laws, they will help influence legal reform for tongzhi rights in China but will not be a decisive factor. With regard to the regional human rights model, unlike Council of Europe and the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is unlikely to push the development of human rights in China due to the lack of a strong tie between China and ASEAN member states. The Canadian experience is inspiring but will not be easily duplicated due to the lack of democratic institutions and the absence of an effective judicial review system and judicial independence in China. It is anticipated that the Waaldijk pattern cannot be reproduced in the Chinese context. China will take a top-down reform route in terms of the tongzhi rights development. The central authorities will likely adjust relevant policies to the tongzhi group once a crisis has generated sufficient social pressure that would influence the central authorities to consider changing their repressive indifference policy. Same-sex marriage law is anticipated to be the first tongzhi human right legislation in China due to the Chinese traditional culture of tolerance, the support found among academics, and the current political environment.

There is an increasing movement recognizing LGBT rights in the international arena. In China, “tongzhi” (a Chinese term for LGBT) still face massive discrimination due mainly to the Chinese government’s repressive indifference policy. This thesis follows Kees Waaldijk’s developmental pattern theory of the recognition of gay rights, starting from decriminalisation, anti-discrimination, and reaching partnership legislation. It examines this theoretic pattern in relation to the development of sexual minority rights in the United Nations (UN), European and Canadian human rights law systems. Although every jurisdiction has its own unique aspects, each basically followed Waaldijk’s pattern. The thesis concludes that the application of privacy, equality and non-discrimination principles have helped sexual minorities to achieve equal rights in a variety of fields. The thesis further examines whether the experiences within these three human rights systems can be adopted in the Chinese context. Since the UN laws are soft laws, they will help influence legal reform for tongzhi rights in China but will not be a decisive factor. With regard to the regional human rights model, unlike Council of Europe and the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is unlikely to push the development of human rights in China due to the lack of a strong tie between China and ASEAN member states. The Canadian experience is inspiring but will not be easily duplicated due to the lack of democratic institutions and the absence of an effective judicial review system and judicial independence in China. It is anticipated that the Waaldijk pattern cannot be reproduced in the Chinese context. China will take a top-down reform route in terms of the tongzhi rights development. The central authorities will likely adjust relevant policies to the tongzhi group once a crisis has generated sufficient social pressure that would influence the central authorities to consider changing their repressive indifference policy. Same-sex marriage law is anticipated to be the first tongzhi human right legislation in China due to the Chinese traditional culture of tolerance, the support found among academics, and the current political environment.

中國與日本早在1866年就接到法國邀請參加1867年在巴黎舉行的世界博覽會，日本幕府組團參展，而中國的滿清政府以「曉諭商民參加」搪塞，並未組團，到了1873年方由海關洋員組團參加奧國舉辦的「維也納世界博覽會」。另日本明治政府於1877~1907年間共舉辦六次「內國勸業博覽會」，而中國卻遠落後30多年於1910年方首度舉辦等同規格的「南洋勸業會」，是什麼因素造成彼此間博覽會發展的延誤落差？有鑒於這方面的研究較少且深度尚淺，另有鑒於中日兩國現代化也有類似延誤落差的研究，大多限於某些狹小範圍的努力，可惜少了整體的解釋，我們需要一個關於中國現代化的綜合觀點，以深入全面的了解中國社會的變遷。本論文以中日兩國參與世博會事業進行案例研究(Case Study)，並兼論兩國現代化發展差異，方法上以歷程分析法(Process Analysis)，除了要分析影響博覽會事業成敗的關鍵活動成員(Player)，在接觸意會、參展學習及引進實做過程中的認知、能力與經驗之外，還要掌握關鍵活動成員和博覽會引進過程是被鑲崁在社會脈絡(context)，一些地理、經濟、社會、政治及文化等脈絡因素不容忽視。企求能從綜合的觀點進行歷程分析，釐清兩國博覽會事業落差，進而以此綜合觀點討論兩國現代化發展差異。