This study examines solidarity and fragmentations between trade unions and civil society organisations under the Labour and Civil Society Coalition LASCO, during the fuel subsidy mass-protest in Nigeria. To understand the basis of LASCO’s mobilisation during the strike/ mass-protest and the tension that follows the suspension of the strike within the alliance, the study utilises the literature on Social Movement Unionism especially in South Africa, with emphasise on trade unions community and political alliances. The classical SMU literature especially applied in South Africa and Brazil revealed that authoritarian industrialisation and repressive Apartheid work-place regime prompted unions to use innovative strategies of using their bargaining power to challenge the state, by rendering themselves ungovernable both in the work-place and in the society through linkages with communities. This study, relying on a case study method and participant observation of the strike and mass-protest in Kano, revealed that SMU mobilisation in Nigeria was triggered by predatory and weak state, whose rent seeking permeates the administration of subsidy in the oil industry. Secondly, the study argued that the tensions and divisions within LASCO alliance following the suspension of the perceived unilateral suspension of the strike by the Trade Unions explains the political and class orientation of both trade unions and civil society organisations. The study argues that Trade Unions behaviour in the context of the strike lean towards Hyman pessimist view of trade unions or what Beiler et’al called accommodatory strategy, a view that see unions as negotiators of order both in the work-place and in the larger society. On the other hand the civil society organisations typified multi-level organisations with different orientations that always seek for transformation of the social order or what Beiler et’al called transformatory strategy.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, in fulfilment of the requirements of degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) Johannesburg, 2015 / This dissertation explores the shifting patterns of institutionalisation of industrial relations and violence in strikes over a period of thirty years, shaped by the transition from apartheid to democracy. It draws from an ethnographic study of Impala Platinum mine between 1982 and 2012 and some analysis of the Lonmin Platinum strike in 2012. It traces the trajectory of institutionalisation from the period of apartheid despotism, the transition to inclusive and participatory industrial relations system, through to the second decade after the democratic transition. The overriding aim of this study which is informed by theories of institutionalisation of industrial relations is to understand how workplace order is attained, sustained, challenged and change overtime. This dissertation argues that the institutionalisation of industrial relations is highly unstable, precarious and generates new forms of conflict and worker solidarity. It is continuously being (re)configured, and violence is part of this making, remaking and unmaking of order. This cycle informs the nature and repertoires of strike violence. This thesis shows the ambiguity of institutionalisation of industrial relations as a source of power. It simultaneously empowers and dis-empowers. It confers rights and at the same time constrains how the rights may be exercised. The broader context shaping the South African labour relations before the democratic transition was informed by apartheid which produced a despotic labour regime and an insurgent trade unionism characterised by various forms of violence. This resulted in institutionalisation of negotiations and recognition of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) at Impala Platinum in Rustenburg. This process of institutionalising industrial relations and bureaucratisation of the union happened in the context of broader national democratic transition and shift to an industrial democracy. The NUM evolved into a dominant and highly institutionalised union at Impala Platinum and nationally. The industrial relations shifted from non-hegemonic to a hegemonic system in which class relations were sustained through consent. Consequently, insurgent trade unionism was institutionalised but ironically crystallised into a class compromise which undermined the attainment of union goals. This simultaneously generated some elements of insurgent trade unionism from below by 2009. The study observed that insurgent trade unionism characterised by informal structures and networks challenging the institutionalisation of industrial relations was renewed or reinvigorated reasserting resistance to the co-option of the union by 2012. The primary contribution of this thesis is that it develops a typology explicating the variations of institutionalisation of industrial relations and violence in strikes over time, capturing different and complex power relations: ‘ideal institutionalisation’, ‘de-institutionalisation’ and ‘re-institutionalisation’. Ideal institutionalisation of industrial relations crystallizes a particular balance of organisational and institutional power and when this is disturbed it may be (re)configured. Ideal institutionalisation is attained and sustained where organisational power commensurate with institutional power. Moreover, if the balance dissipates and or is not sustained, there is bound to be a shift/backlash towards de-institutionalisation or unmaking of institutionalisation of industrial relations. The transition of institutionalisation of industrial relations is a function of power play between capital and labour mediated by the state and tied to worker agency. This thesis sheds light on how worker agency continually changes shaping the industrial relations and how a diverse workforce attempts to overcome divisions and fragmentation through forging solidarity including utilising coercive means, conceptualised as a ‘violent solidarity’. Key words: institutionalisation, strike violence, industrial relations, trade union, insurgent unionism, violence.

The post apartheid South African government inherited a racially designed social protection system. This system was discriminatory, mainly served the white population and excluded the majority of black South Africans. Recognising this discrepancy, the ANC government embarked on the transformation of the existing social welfare programs which aimed at ensuring that basic welfare rights are provided to all citizens, priotising those who had historically been disadvantaged. Many years have passed since the democratic government came to power and started to carry out reforms that were aimed at increasing coverage of both occupational and social pensions. While great slides have been made in extending coverage of social pensions, ironically, only slightly more than half (52%) of South Africa’s 12.6 million workers are covered. This study aimed at investigating the extent to which trade unions have been able to influence policy formulation related to social protection, especially those aimed at increasing coverage of social and occupational pensions. The study focused on the roles played by CONSAWU and COSATU and it used in-depth interviews as the main tool for collecting data. Interviewees were identified using purposive sampling from both trade unions and government departments that closely deal with social protection issues. The study has revealed that trade unions’ influence in policy formulation for social protection has not been effective enough. This could be attributed in part to the paternalistic approach by government departments towards labour in policy issues and inadequate vigilance from trade unions to claim their rightful position.

Nos últimos anos, tem sido crescente a publicação de trabalhos preocupados com as respostas dos trabalhadores à globalização. Em especial, a proposição de que estaria em desenvolvimento um \"novo internacionalismo operário\" motivou debate. O alcance deste processo ainda é incerto, mas sindicalistas alojados em organizações sindicais internacionais levaram a cabo iniciativas na tentativa de responder aos desafios da globalização, o que tem gerado experiências inovadoras. Esta pesquisa explora as características das redes sindicais em empresas transnacionais em atuação no Brasil nos setores químico e metalúrgico, exemplo de ação sindical que tem sido considerado parte dessa tendência. Essas redes articulam trabalhadores e sindicatos que atuam em relação a uma mesma empresa transnacional em diversas partes do mundo e são hoje bem conhecidas entre os sindicalistas engajados nesse tipo de atividade. Este trabalho introduz a questão do novo internacionalismo operário, apresenta a origem das redes no mundo e no Brasil e, por fim, analisa a ação de 15 redes sindicais. O que torna essas redes relevantes é o fato de que elas oferecem um exemplo concreto de como é possível articular o \"global\" e o \"local\" através de uma ação sindical multiescalar: ao ligar em um movimento global sindicatos até então separados entre si, elas criam a possibilidade de enfrentar a empresa em escalas para além do local, seja nacionalmente ou internacionalmente. Por outro lado, a pesquisa revela que o engajamento dos sindicatos locais implica um processo de acomodação em que os seus interesses imediatos, vinculados ao trabalho sindical cotidiano, precisam ser atendidos para que as redes sejam viáveis na prática. Além disso, o fato de que as redes são construídas a partir da estrutura sindical já constituída impõe limites às suas possibilidades de ação. A estratégia das redes, assim, é marcada por preocupações pragmáticas e busca emular as relações de trabalho encontradas em algumas transnacionais: aquelas que admitem uma relação mais democrática com os sindicatos sob o paradigma do \"diálogo social\". Para subsidiar a análise, a pesquisa mapeou as redes sindicais em atuação no país e, após análise documental preliminar, realizou uma série de entrevistas semiestruturadas com dirigentes sindicais brasileiros e estrangeiros. Um primeiro conjunto de entrevistas serviu para identificar as posições dos formuladores da política geral de redes sindicais, representantes de um \"sindicalismo global\". Posteriormente, a pesquisa se voltou para o trabalho mais cotidiano das redes. Foram entrevistados coordenadores e participantes de 15 redes sindicais em atuação no país, em geral sindicalistas em contato próximo com o chão de fábrica. Cada uma dessas redes se organiza em relação a uma empresa específica, e estão representadas empresas brasileiras, europeias e norte-americanas. / The last few years have seen growing interest in labor responses to globalization. In particular, the proposition that a new labour internationalism is being developed has sparked debate. The scope of this process is still uncertain, but trade unionists engaged in international activities have undertaken initiatives in an attempt to meet the challenges of globalization. That has created innovative experiences. This thesis investigates the characteristics of trade union networks in transnational companies operating in Brazil in the chemical and metal industries, an example of union action that is usually considered part of this trend. A trade union network unites workers and trade unions in a joint effort to confront a transnational company in various parts of the world. Today, they are well known among trade unionists working in transnational companies. This paper introduces the question of new labor internationalism, presents the origins of these networks in the world and in Brazil, and finally, analyzes the activities of 15 trade union networks operating in the country. What makes these networks relevant is the fact that they offer an example of how to articulate the global and the local through multiscalar union action: as they unite trade unions through multiple localities, they create the possibility of facing the company on scales beyond the local, either nationally or internationally. On the other hand, the research reveals that the participation of local unions implies an accommodation process where their immediate interests, linked to everyday union work, must be met so that the networks are feasible in practice. Moreover, the fact that networks are built from the union structure that is already established imposes limits to their possibilities. The strategy of the networks is thus marked by pragmatic concerns and seeks to emulate the industrial relations found in some transnational companies: those who admit a more democratic relationship with the unions under the paradigm of social dialogue. In order to fundament the analysis, the research identified the trade union networks operating in Brazil and, after a preliminary document analysis, conducted a series of semi-structured interviews with Brazilian and foreign union leaders. A first set of interviews served to identify the opinions of the makers of the general policy of trade union networks, part of a global unionism. Subsequently, the research turned to the more routine work of the networks. Coordinators and participants from 15 trade union networks were interviewed, generally trade unionists from local unions in close contact with the shop floor. Each of these networks is organized in relation to a specific company and there are Brazilian, European and American companies represented.

Nos últimos anos, tem sido crescente a publicação de trabalhos preocupados com as respostas dos trabalhadores à globalização. Em especial, a proposição de que estaria em desenvolvimento um \"novo internacionalismo operário\" motivou debate. O alcance deste processo ainda é incerto, mas sindicalistas alojados em organizações sindicais internacionais levaram a cabo iniciativas na tentativa de responder aos desafios da globalização, o que tem gerado experiências inovadoras. Esta pesquisa explora as características das redes sindicais em empresas transnacionais em atuação no Brasil nos setores químico e metalúrgico, exemplo de ação sindical que tem sido considerado parte dessa tendência. Essas redes articulam trabalhadores e sindicatos que atuam em relação a uma mesma empresa transnacional em diversas partes do mundo e são hoje bem conhecidas entre os sindicalistas engajados nesse tipo de atividade. Este trabalho introduz a questão do novo internacionalismo operário, apresenta a origem das redes no mundo e no Brasil e, por fim, analisa a ação de 15 redes sindicais. O que torna essas redes relevantes é o fato de que elas oferecem um exemplo concreto de como é possível articular o \"global\" e o \"local\" através de uma ação sindical multiescalar: ao ligar em um movimento global sindicatos até então separados entre si, elas criam a possibilidade de enfrentar a empresa em escalas para além do local, seja nacionalmente ou internacionalmente. Por outro lado, a pesquisa revela que o engajamento dos sindicatos locais implica um processo de acomodação em que os seus interesses imediatos, vinculados ao trabalho sindical cotidiano, precisam ser atendidos para que as redes sejam viáveis na prática. Além disso, o fato de que as redes são construídas a partir da estrutura sindical já constituída impõe limites às suas possibilidades de ação. A estratégia das redes, assim, é marcada por preocupações pragmáticas e busca emular as relações de trabalho encontradas em algumas transnacionais: aquelas que admitem uma relação mais democrática com os sindicatos sob o paradigma do \"diálogo social\". Para subsidiar a análise, a pesquisa mapeou as redes sindicais em atuação no país e, após análise documental preliminar, realizou uma série de entrevistas semiestruturadas com dirigentes sindicais brasileiros e estrangeiros. Um primeiro conjunto de entrevistas serviu para identificar as posições dos formuladores da política geral de redes sindicais, representantes de um \"sindicalismo global\". Posteriormente, a pesquisa se voltou para o trabalho mais cotidiano das redes. Foram entrevistados coordenadores e participantes de 15 redes sindicais em atuação no país, em geral sindicalistas em contato próximo com o chão de fábrica. Cada uma dessas redes se organiza em relação a uma empresa específica, e estão representadas empresas brasileiras, europeias e norte-americanas. / The last few years have seen growing interest in labor responses to globalization. In particular, the proposition that a new labour internationalism is being developed has sparked debate. The scope of this process is still uncertain, but trade unionists engaged in international activities have undertaken initiatives in an attempt to meet the challenges of globalization. That has created innovative experiences. This thesis investigates the characteristics of trade union networks in transnational companies operating in Brazil in the chemical and metal industries, an example of union action that is usually considered part of this trend. A trade union network unites workers and trade unions in a joint effort to confront a transnational company in various parts of the world. Today, they are well known among trade unionists working in transnational companies. This paper introduces the question of new labor internationalism, presents the origins of these networks in the world and in Brazil, and finally, analyzes the activities of 15 trade union networks operating in the country. What makes these networks relevant is the fact that they offer an example of how to articulate the global and the local through multiscalar union action: as they unite trade unions through multiple localities, they create the possibility of facing the company on scales beyond the local, either nationally or internationally. On the other hand, the research reveals that the participation of local unions implies an accommodation process where their immediate interests, linked to everyday union work, must be met so that the networks are feasible in practice. Moreover, the fact that networks are built from the union structure that is already established imposes limits to their possibilities. The strategy of the networks is thus marked by pragmatic concerns and seeks to emulate the industrial relations found in some transnational companies: those who admit a more democratic relationship with the unions under the paradigm of social dialogue. In order to fundament the analysis, the research identified the trade union networks operating in Brazil and, after a preliminary document analysis, conducted a series of semi-structured interviews with Brazilian and foreign union leaders. A first set of interviews served to identify the opinions of the makers of the general policy of trade union networks, part of a global unionism. Subsequently, the research turned to the more routine work of the networks. Coordinators and participants from 15 trade union networks were interviewed, generally trade unionists from local unions in close contact with the shop floor. Each of these networks is organized in relation to a specific company and there are Brazilian, European and American companies represented.

No description available.

To explain and challenge the growing level of income inequality in organisations, this thesis collected and analysed corpora of texts about pay in UK universities from the press, remuneration committees and trade unions. Deploying the methodology of critical discourse analysis, it describes the contents of arguments as discourse types, interprets the reasoning behind arguments as genres of organisation theories and explains the common-sense assumptions ordering arguments as ideological values. Seeking answers, the analysis groups 30,038 data fragments into 74 first-order discourse types, 7 aggregate genres of organisation theories and 9 ideological values across three corpora of texts. Finding from the press suggested that actors drew upon the same set of organisation theories regardless of whether they were discursively challenging or defending the legitimacy of income inequality. This made it unfeasible to halt the level of income inequality because the underlying ideological values of competition, quantification and economic rationality only required the organisations to conform to unclear methodological processes. Thus, it is only possible to challenge the legitimacy of income inequality by proposing new members' resources, which objectified the exact contingencies for when it was appropriate. This insight lead to the creation of a new genre of organisation theory, which proposed paying employees relative to their comparative sacrifices. Findings from remuneration committees suggested that their members drew upon organisation theories to legitimise income inequality, which related to the ideological values of economic science, individualism and capitalistic hierarchy. However, how these ideological values constructed the legitimacy of their decisions lacked a substantiate rationality because the neoliberal model of capitalism was a source of legitimacy within itself. As such, the foundations of legitimacy were critiqued and a 2x2 matrix consisting of a process-outcome axis and pragmatic-moral axis was introduced. Applying this matrix to this corpus of text meant that none of these genres of organisation theories reasoned based on outcomes. Therefore, a new genre of organisation was proposed which focused on the income distribution shape for organisations. Findings from trade unions suggested that their representatives drew upon the same set of organisation theories to reinforce their own legitimacy in addition to interrogating the legitimacy of universities. These organisational theories were then related to the ideological values of performativity, exchange relations and freedom that hegemonically legitimised income inequality. Meanwhile, it was interpreted that trade unions relied on the neoliberal model of capitalism for their existence and were encouraging employees to participate in markets that only served the interests of employers. Therefore, a new members' resource was proposed, which conceptualised why sacrifice was a moral and pragmatic process for distributing pay to employees in comparison with other macro-economic frameworks. The findings from these three corpora of texts explained and challenged the social practices that were creating income inequality growth. Essentially, the ideological values of neoliberalism ordered discourse so that there was no reason to reduce the level of income inequality according to the dominate members' resources. Therefore, to change these social practices three new discourses were proposed which challenged the level of income inequality by illustrating the false consciousness embodied within their reasoning.

My PhD thesis concerns trade union responses to austerity in Belgium, Greece and Ireland (2008-2016). It explores the power resources trade unions in Europe have drawn on during these crisis years, and seeks to establish if unions are cultivating new sources of power and influence, as traditional sources wane. My research points to unions being under sustained pressure, but it also presents evidence of effective union revitalisation, including through the formation of new coalitions with civil society actors, through the use of innovative legal approaches to problem-solving, and with unions reaching out to new, often atypically-employed, groups of workers. Notably however, the national level remains the primary concern for unions, and the European Union (EU) level of action remains adjunct to what unions do.

<p>Calmfors and Driffill in 1988 argued that there is a humpshaped relation between the degree of centralisation in wage bargaining structures within an economy and unemployment. They collected aggregate economic data from 17 different OECD economies and ranked them according to their relative degree of centralisation to prove their model. The model was further developed by Rowthorn who in 1992, using individual data from the same countries, concluded that there is a negative linear relationship between the degree of centralisation in wage bargaining structures and wage dispersion.</p><p>During the past two decades the Russian economy, as well as the Russian trade union movement, has transformed greatly. Membership rates in trade unions have fallen and bargaining leverage of trade unions vis-á-vis employers has decreased. Using data from ten sectors within the Russian economy (collected in interviews with trade union representatives in Moscow, June 2006) this essay questions whether the theoretical assumptions above hold in the Russian context. By ranking the sectors according to their relative degree of centralisation in wage bargaining structures and using these rankings as explanatory variables in econometric analyses with unemployment rates and wage dispersion rates as dependent variables, this essay finds little proof that the theoretical framework of Calmfors and Driffill holds within the Russian economy. However, Rowthorn’s model of centralisation and wage dispersion seems to be more valid.</p>

Calmfors and Driffill in 1988 argued that there is a humpshaped relation between the degree of centralisation in wage bargaining structures within an economy and unemployment. They collected aggregate economic data from 17 different OECD economies and ranked them according to their relative degree of centralisation to prove their model. The model was further developed by Rowthorn who in 1992, using individual data from the same countries, concluded that there is a negative linear relationship between the degree of centralisation in wage bargaining structures and wage dispersion. During the past two decades the Russian economy, as well as the Russian trade union movement, has transformed greatly. Membership rates in trade unions have fallen and bargaining leverage of trade unions vis-á-vis employers has decreased. Using data from ten sectors within the Russian economy (collected in interviews with trade union representatives in Moscow, June 2006) this essay questions whether the theoretical assumptions above hold in the Russian context. By ranking the sectors according to their relative degree of centralisation in wage bargaining structures and using these rankings as explanatory variables in econometric analyses with unemployment rates and wage dispersion rates as dependent variables, this essay finds little proof that the theoretical framework of Calmfors and Driffill holds within the Russian economy. However, Rowthorn’s model of centralisation and wage dispersion seems to be more valid.