Thesis. 1976. M.C.P. cn--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography: leaves 135-137. / by Judy A. Levenson. / M.C.P.cn

Partnership has enjoyed fresh attention since the 1990s and consequently is a growing yet increasingly fragmented area of research. With the incoming Labour Government in 1997, policy has aimed to replace conflict with co-operation in employee relations. Partnership is an approach to managing the employment relationship based on the search for common ground between management, employees and their representatives and involves the development of long-term relationships built on high levels of trust and respect. Approaches to, and models of, partnership are still at a formative stage with no consensus on how partnership develops effectively. Despite the recognition that to understand partnership fully the study of the processes involved is necessary, little is known about these processes involved. Furthermore, the current body of literature on partnership in a UK context is limited in terms of its theoretical basis. The research set out to identify through which theoretical mechanisms partnership works. Informed by social exchange theory, the study examines the viability of partnership within the NHS and attempts to understand the conditions for its successful development. Two stages of empirical research using a mainly qualitative design were conducted. The first stage of fieldwork involved a preliminary investigation of the introduction of partnership in the National Health Service. The aim of this stage was to trace the introduction of partnership and to understand its antecedents and what had set out to achieve using data from eleven in depth interviews with key players at national, regional and local levels throughout the service. Stage two followed a case study approach and investigated the development of partnership in four NHS Acute Trusts. This stage involved a range of techniques (i.e. semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and documentation) examining the views of fifty five respondents from management and trade union representatives across the four Trusts and used data from 543 questionnaires to investigate employee's experiences of partnership. The study contributes to the partnership literature on the developmental processes of partnerships by utilising social exchange theory to better understand the viability of partnership. In particular, examining partnership from a social exchange perspective enabled a deeper understanding of the decision processes involved when deciding whether to co-operate. The study demonstrates that the theory (and its related concepts) can be helpful in examining the viability of partnership in understanding the mechanisms that lead to its successful development and the maintenance of the relationship over time. In assessing the viability of partnership, the thesis identifies the conditions under which partnership produces its effects and demonstrates how these differed in terms of changes in both the climate and the behaviour and attitudes of participants. In sum, the idea of social exchange would seem to provide an underpinning rationale for partnership. Some support for a new and expanding role for the trade union involving jOint work in developing policies was found. Trade unions appear to have a legitimate role in the relationship which is on the whole accepted by key management and trade union players. However, the union role has a low profile amongst managers and employees and trade unions lacked the organisation needed for partnership to be effective. Moreover, if trade unions are going to reap the potential rewards of partnership there should be a continuing effort to address the problems of capacity and capability (by increasing the numbers and capability of union representatives) in order to raise the profile and acceptance of the union among management and employees. In addition, there is a requirement for adequate training and support to ensure that these representatives have the attitude, skills and confidence to become effective representatives of the workforce.

The purpose of this study is twofold. First, it will examine employer techniques used to thwart the rights of newly certified unions. Second, this study will attempt to determine the effectiveness of the Act's remedies. Some statistical characteristics of cases and firms involved in violations of the duty to bargain collectively will be evaluated. Statistics from the Board's annual reports as well as from a recent study by Philip Ross will be used. The increase of Board cases dealing with violations of refusal to bargain, the average number of violations per case, and the prevalence of other unfair labor practices will be examined. The size of firms committing the majority of violations of collective bargaining will be compared with the size of firms involved in the majority of Board certification elections. National Labor Relations Board, circuit court of appeals, and Supreme Court cases will be used to investigate the effectiveness of three of the most prevalent violations of the duty to bargain collectively used by employers to circumvent the purposes of the Act. They are (1) refusal to meet with the newly certified union, (2) engaging in unilateral activity, and (3) refusal to bargain in good faith. This study will also examine the effectiveness of the remedies of the Labor Management Relations Act in protecting the worker's right to bargain collectively with his employer through representatives of his own choosing. Four of the standard Board remedies will be examined---(1) posting of notices, (2) reinstatement of employees discriminated against, (3) payment of back pay, and (4) a Board order to bargain in good faith.

Trade unions organizations in employment relations The thesis deals with trade union organization as the most important representative of employees in collective employment relations. The purpose of this thesis is to describe a task of trade union organization as a legal subject from the view of legal theory, as well as from the view of contemporary legal regulation which has recently been substantially changed due to the recodification of private law. These contemporary amendments change a status of trade union organization as a legal person. These amendments have been followed by many interpretative difficulties. The thesis further describes activities and rights of trade unions as a subject with regard to first, the last amendments in legislation and second, the current jurisprudence. The thesis is divided into five chapters: The first chapter is focused on a position of trade unions in collective labour law, their specificities according to legal theory, historical background of trade association, international and domestic legislation of the right to trade association, position of trade union organization as a legal subject and other aspects such as hierarchy among trade union organizations. The second chapter deals with traditional rights and obligations of trade unions in collective labour...

This thesis was written to highlight the role of women in the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement after the Second World War. It described existence and the activity of a relatively autonomous group of women which was established as a part of the Central Trade Union Council. Especially after the monopolization of a communist government in February 1948, the trade unions, as representatives of all workers, had become an important political agent in the state organisation. One of their major tasks was to mobilize workforce which was essential in order to boost the post-war economy. This activity was supported by ideology, promising to create new and better socialistic society. Appropriate attention was paid particularly to housewives who represented the greatest reserves of workforce. The intention was to integrate as many women as possible into the work process, organise them in trade unions and help them with household chores and family problems. Therefore, boards of women were established along with the trade unions' body and existed under the aforementioned Women's Committee of the Central Trade Union Council. The author described the origins of the Women's Committee, changes in its organisation, its specific activities and partly international contacts and mutual cooperation with a superordinate...

M.A. (Political Science) / In this study an investigation is made into: (a) the relationship between industrial conflict and political violence; (b) the role of organised labour in the strategy of revolution; and (c) the activities of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) as part of the revolutionary strategy of the ANC-led Liberation Alliance...

This report is concerned with unpacking the influential yet misunderstood “workerist” phenomenon that dominated the major independent (mostly black) trade unions born in the wake of the 1973 Durban strikes. “Workerism” is widely recognized as being concentrated in the Federation of South African Trade Unions (Fosatu). Workerism remains a source of much controversy in labour and left circles; this is due to the massive influence it commanded within the with black working class in its brief heyday, and the formidable challenge it presents to the legitimacy of nationalist movements and narratives attempting (then and now) to stake claims on the leadership of the liberation struggle. This controversy has yet to be resolved: both popular and scholarly attempts to theorise its politics are marked by demonstrable inconsistencies and inaccuracies, often reproducing existing polemical narratives that conceal more than they reveal. This paper contributes to that debate by deepening our understanding of the core politics of the important workerist phenomenon – through an examination of primary documents and interviews with key workerist leaders. I argue that workerism was a distinctive, mass-based and coherent multiracial current, hegemonic in the black trade unions but spilling into the broader anti-apartheid movement in the 1970s and 1980s. It stressed class struggle, non-racialism, anti-capitalism, worker selfactivity and union democracy, and was fundamentally concerned with the national liberation of the oppressed black majority. However, it distanced itself from the established traditions of mainstream Marxism and Congress nationalism – coming to a quasi-syndicalist1 position on many crucial questions, although this ran alongside a far more cautious “stream”, akin to social democracy. It fashioned a radical approach to national liberation that combined anticapitalism with anti-nationalism on a programme that placed trade unions (not parties) centrestage – a notable characteristic that made it the object of much suspicion and hostility. In the longer term, workerists developed a two-pronged strategy. This centred on, first, “building up a huge, strong movement in the factories” – strategically positioned at key loci of power in the economy (key sectors, plants and regions), with a view to “pushing back the frontiers of control”; second, it incorporated an extensive programme of popular education to ignite the growth of a “counter-hegemonic” working class politics, consciousness, identity and culture, thereby “ring-fencing workers from the broader nationalist history of our country” and continent. Right at the epicentre of this radical project was the creation of a conscious, accountable and active (in workplaces and communities) layer of worker leaders or “organic intellectuals”. I contend that a simple conflation of workerism with a form of Marxism, although prevalent in the literature, is misleading and inaccurate. Rather, workerism cannot be understood unless in relation to the far more eclectic and varied international New Left – through which it drew influence (direct and indirect) from a variety of sources, including revolutionary libertarian currents like anarchism, syndicalism and council communism, as well as others such as social democracy, and dissident forms of Marxism. But the unhappy co-existence of these contradictory tendencies (quasi-syndicalism and social democracy) interacted with a New Left-inspired, at times anti-theoretical, pragmatism to leave workerism weakened - hampered by inconsistencies and contradictions, expressed in ambivalent actions that were at once libertarian and more statist, revolutionary and reformist, spontaneous and premeditated, “boycottist” and “engagist”. This left a vacuum in the liberation struggle, paving a way for the resurgence of nationalism under ANC leadership. 1 Here I refer to the historical tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism, not the so-called “Leninist critique”.

This dissertation is presented within the doctoral study on the Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Law. The presented dissertation addresses the issue of the status and activity of trade unions in labour relations. The dissertation deals with the conditions for legal foundation and creation of trade unions, the conditions for their operation at an employer, their organisational structure, the conditions for the dissolution and disbanding of trade unions. The dissertation is also devoted on the questions of plurality of trade unions, as well as the questions of jurisdiction and powers of trade unions in labour relations, focusing on the right of collective bargaining and the right to conclude collective agreements. The dissertation also deals with the collective labour disputes and the various methods of their resolving, focusing on the right to strike as an extreme means for resolving a collective dispute. The presented dissertation also deals with certain issues related to the status of members of trade union bodies (union officials), with the status of labour organisations in the period from the founding of an independent Czechoslovak state in 1918 up until 1989 and an outline of developments in the trade union movement after 1989 and also looks into the right to strike in selected countries of the...

A abertura econômica vivenciada pelo Brasil com a implementação de medidas liberalizantes nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 e a intensa expansão da economia nacional, nos anos 2000, inseriram o país em um cenário global jamais vivenciado. Em termos nacionais, tanto o setor de telecomunicações como o metalúrgico experimentaram processos de reestruturação com o ingresso de empresas transnacionais e a proliferação de empresas brasileiras atuando no exterior. Para os sindicatos, intensificavam-se desafios em uma arena que extrapolava os limites nacionais. A partir desse cenário, este estudo analisou a internacionalização de organizações sindicais brasileiras e suas lideranças desde os anos 1980 até os 2000. De um lado o foco reside, inicialmente, no Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC, mas se amplia à Confederação Nacional dos Metalúrgicos e à Central Única dos Trabalhadores. Do outro, centra-se no Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Telecomunicações de São Paulo, filiado à Força Sindical. Constatou-se que a entrada destas organizações na arena global desenvolveu-se em diferentes ritmos e características, na passagem de uma etapa em que, nos anos 1980, consumiam relações internacionais para outra, nos anos 2000, em que passaram a ter um papel mais ativo, protagônico. Enquanto que para os metalúrgicos este processo é orgânico e paulatino, para as telecomunicações intensificou-se como reação às privatizações. Para ambos, observam-se mudanças em referenciais que estavam voltados à esfera nacional, ampliam-se os percursos possíveis para as carreiras sindicais e a divisão do trabalho sindical por meio de um processo que reforça uma seleção social, a qual se constitui de forma coletiva e individual. / In Brazil, the economic opening experienced with the implementation of liberalization measures in the 1980s and 1990s and the intense expansion of the national economy in the 2000s, brought the country into a global setting never previously experienced. Both the Brazilian telecommunications and the metalworking sectors have gone through re-structuring, the entry of transnational corporations and the proliferation of national companies operating abroad. For the trade unions, challenges have intensified beyond national boundaries. On that basis, this study has analyzed the internationalization of Brazilian trade unions and their leaders from the 1980s until 2000s. On one hand, the focus is initially on the ABC Metalworkers\' Trade Union (SMABC), but is extended to the Brazilian National Confederation of Metalworkers (CNM) and the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT). On the other, it focuses on the Telecommunications Workers Union of São Paulo (SINTETEL), affiliated to Força Sindical (FS). It was found that their entry into the global arena was developed at differing speeds and with different characteristics, in a transition from a stage where, in 1980s, they consumed international relations, to another, in the 2000s, in which they have a more active and protagonistic role. While for the metalworkers this process was organic and gradual, for the telecommunication sector it became intensified as a reaction to the process of privatization. In both cases, changes to the references that were once related to a national sphere were observed, as well as the widening career paths available to trade unionists. Also, trade unions division of labor widened as a result of a process that reinforced a social selection constituted both collectively and individually.

O protagonismo social de camponeses e indígenas na Bolívia é comumente associado à particular composição étnico-cultural da população do país vizinho. O exame do katarismo - nome herdado do índio insurgente Tupac Katari, que liderou rebelião contra os colonizadores espanhóis no final do século XVIII -, especialmente em sua fase inicial (1969 a 1985), permite uma compreensão mais ampla e complexa do processo de formação, mudança e consolidação da classe trabalhadora boliviana. Antes disso, o trabalhador era representado pela figura do operário mineiro. A partir do surgimento de corrente político-ideológica de valorização étnico-cultural nos grandes centros urbanos e do fortalecimento de novas lideranças do sindicalismo no campo (como Jenaro Flores e Raimundo Tambo), os camponeses-indígenas se consolidam, em um intervalo de aproximadamente 15 anos, como os principais atores sociais das classes populares na Bolívia e reforçam o seu papel no que se refere à organização da sociedade. Ao assumir a problematização da dialética entre os rasgos tradicionais (ou pré-modernos) e as características tipicamente modernas que compõem o movimento, são enfocados os elementos de classe, de um lado, e os antecedentes mais ligados à etnia, de outro. A obra de E. P. Thompson acerca da centralidade das classes sociais é utilizada como referência, juntamente com contribuições de outros autores como Marx, Fernandes, Stavenhagen, Wood e Sewell, para ajudar a decifrar essa combinação entre mobilizações de cunho tradicional e aspectos ligados à modernidade, com especial destaque para a opção katarista pela disputa institucional dentro da estrutura sindical. Nesse sentido, fatores subjetivos (como a teoria dos dois olhos) se imiscuem com a concretude do racismo e do paternalismo, em meio a choques e influências decorrentes da relação com outras correntes de pensamento. Além da questão territorial, também são abordadas as práticas do cotidiano como a atuação das igrejas, o futebol, a rádio e o comércio popular com significados próprios dos povos originários. A análise da formação do katarismo permite um olhar privilegiado de como as estruturais por trás da classe social moderna ideal podem se articular com costumes, tradições e valores étnico-culturais reais dentro de um complexo contexto de país subdesenvolvido. / The social prominence of peasants-indigenous people in Bolivia is trivially associated with a \"special\" ethnic and cultural composition of country\'s population. Through the analysis of katarist movement, on behalf of Tupac Katari (aymara leader who headed a mass rebellion against Spanish colonial administration in 1781), it\'s possible to stress the making of \"working class\" with all wide changes and/or continuities. Until the emergence of Katarism, workers are almost synonymous with miners. After the organization of urban groups promoting the ethnic and cultural values and cosmology and the rising of new leadership in agrarian unions (like Jenaro Flores and Raimundo Tambo) in the end of 1960\'s, the peasant-indigenous sector become a strong social and political agent, taking a crucial role for whole working class and society\'s organization, in a just few 15 years. Traditional (or pre-modern) customs and heritages coexist with modern logics and patterns in the core of katarist movement. Putting the class in central position - as E. P. Thompson does, adding contributions from Marx, Fernandes, Stavenhagen, Wood and Sewell -, this dissertation assumes the challenge of tracking this combination of traditional mobilizations and subjects around modernity. In this effort, it\'s important to point that the katarist leaders have been chosen an \"institutional\" path (within the official agrarian union schemes) to put their demands and proposals. Subjective factors (the aymara \"theory of two eyes\", one more indigenous e another more peasant, bounded in a class structure) are mixed with racism and paternalism. Notable shocks and influences come from outside the movement as well. Beyond the territorial issue, there were little parts of Katarism in everyday\'s practices involving foreign churches, soccer, radio shows and popular commerce (that curiously reveals ancient peoples beliefs in street fairs,, not just monetary and goods exchange). Katarist movement show in a sense how \"unreal\" can be the ideal and \"pure\" theories about the social class and how \"real\", different and apparently controversial elements of class and culture are acting together to change Bolivian society.