<p>The expansion of European union has posed vital changes in the European community as countries have erased their borders for their eastern neighbours and actively involved themselves in mutual business activity. Free movement of labour and service has taken place,and though some Western countries have posed obstacles for the further integration, the trend is currently occurring. In this paper we will try to take a closer look at the labour and service</p><p>movement in Sweden and cover different views from different parties – EU, Swedish tradeunions, business companies that would share their perspectives on the issue.</p>

<p>Den här uppsatsen handlar om HTF:s och Sif:s arbete med jämställdhet och mångfald. Hur de som fackförbund är förebilder med möjlighet att påverka samhället. Uppsatsens syfte är att ur ett genusvetenskapligt perspektiv undersöka och ge exempel på hur förbunden arbetar med jämställdhet och mångfald, internt mot de anställda och externt mot medlemmar samt hur de hanterar sin roll som förebild. De frågor som jag ställt mig har varit följande; Vilka exempel på skillnader finns det mellan retorik och praktik? Hur formuleras syftet med arbetet? Vad står begreppen jämställdhet och mångfald för, vilka attityder och inställningar finns? Vilka exempel på olikheter finns det på förbundens sätt att arbeta med frågor om jämställdhet och mångfald? Uppsatsen är uppbyggd kring tanken om att organisationen och dess medlemmar interagerar och återskapar tankar om genus och mångfald. Samt att jämställdhetsbegreppet är en maktordning i sig. Undersökningen är baserad på dels en enkätundersökning och dels kvalitativa djupintervjuer samt policydokument. Materialet har analyserats med hjälp av narrativanalys. Resultatet av undersökningen visar på att även om respondenterna ser facket som en förebild inom områdena jämställdhet och mångfald så finns det ett glapp mellan ord och handling, i hur förbunden vill agera i dessa frågor med hur de gör. Begreppet jämställdheten görs till en kvinnofråga emedan mångfald uppfattas som svårare att definiera. Arbetet med dessa frågor har inte heller samma tyngd och status som andra fackliga frågor inom förbunden. Även om de fackliga organisationerna har påtagit sig rollen att vara föregångare när det gäller jämställdhet och mångfald, kan det konstateras, att det finns betydligt mer att göra.</p> / <p>This essay is about HTFs and Sifs work with equality and diversity. How they as trade unions are to be considered role models with the possibility to influence society. The essay's aim is that from a gender science perspective, to examine and give examples on how the above associations work with equality and diversity and how they handle their role as a model - both internally against the employee and externally against members. Which examples on differences are there between what is said and what is done? What is the aim of the work? What do the concepts of equality and diversity stand for, and which attitudes exist? Which examples are there of differences between the unions’ way of working with questions regarding equality and diversity? The essay is edified around the thought that the organization and its members recreate thoughts about gender and diversity, also that the equality concept is a power order in itself. The survey is based on a questionnaire survey and qualitative in depth interviews as well as policy documents. The material has been analysed with the aid of narrative analyses. The result of the survey shows that although those interviewed see the unions as a role model within the areas equality and diversity, there is a gap between theory and experience - in how the unions want to act upon these questions with what they do to address them. Equality is considered to be a question for women only whilst diversity is considered more difficult to define. The work with these questions does not have either the same weight or status that other trade union questions have. Although the trade union organisations have taken on themselves to be role models when it comes to equality and diversity it can be established that there is considerably more to do.</p>

<p>The mobilisation of protests has become more visible during the last few decades and the amount of literature focusing on the links between protest and policy has significantly increased. Nevertheless, scholars acknowledge that there is a lack of theoretical advancements, careful empirical analysis and attention to developing countries regarding these links. In this thesis I endeavor to address the above shortcomings. I elaborate on and evaluate existing theories on social movement outcomes by applying an event history analysis to my data on anti-privatisation struggles in India and Peru. The thesis consists of a comprehensive introduction and three interrelated essays. </p><p><b>Essay I</b> provides a systematic description of labor movements' reactions to privatisation processes in India. I demonstrate that the Indian trade unions which were affiliated with pro-privatisation parties avoided protesting even when their party was not in the government. Of two Communist-ruled states – Kerala and West Bengal, only the first accepted the protests of the affiliated union.</p><p><b>Essay II</b> discusses how the anti-privatisation struggle in India affected privatisation processes during the years 1990-2003. It focuses on mechanisms explaining the impact of a social movement's mobilisation, and on the role of protest characteristics. I demonstrate that challengers to privatisation were more successful in gaining favorable policy outcomes in those cases where they used large or economically disruptive protests.</p><p><b>Essay III</b> seeks to explain the varying outcomes of anti-privatisation protests in India and Peru. I test the prevalent theory on the conditionality of the protest impact in a novel empirical setting – that of developing countries. In contrast to previous studies, my results show that the impact of protests is not necessarily dependent on public support nor on support from political allies. However, the outcomes of mobilisation depend on political regime as protests are shown to be more influential within democracies.</p>

This article explores the impact of the internationalised economy on work relationships between German companies and their subsidiaries in Eastern and Central Europe. <br>The author refers to empirical research findings in the field of social sciences that shed light on the interest groups’ scope of participation in international competition for investments.

The mobilisation of protests has become more visible during the last few decades and the amount of literature focusing on the links between protest and policy has significantly increased. Nevertheless, scholars acknowledge that there is a lack of theoretical advancements, careful empirical analysis and attention to developing countries regarding these links. In this thesis I endeavor to address the above shortcomings. I elaborate on and evaluate existing theories on social movement outcomes by applying an event history analysis to my data on anti-privatisation struggles in India and Peru. The thesis consists of a comprehensive introduction and three interrelated essays. Essay I provides a systematic description of labor movements' reactions to privatisation processes in India. I demonstrate that the Indian trade unions which were affiliated with pro-privatisation parties avoided protesting even when their party was not in the government. Of two Communist-ruled states – Kerala and West Bengal, only the first accepted the protests of the affiliated union. Essay II discusses how the anti-privatisation struggle in India affected privatisation processes during the years 1990-2003. It focuses on mechanisms explaining the impact of a social movement's mobilisation, and on the role of protest characteristics. I demonstrate that challengers to privatisation were more successful in gaining favorable policy outcomes in those cases where they used large or economically disruptive protests. Essay III seeks to explain the varying outcomes of anti-privatisation protests in India and Peru. I test the prevalent theory on the conditionality of the protest impact in a novel empirical setting – that of developing countries. In contrast to previous studies, my results show that the impact of protests is not necessarily dependent on public support nor on support from political allies. However, the outcomes of mobilisation depend on political regime as protests are shown to be more influential within democracies.

Den här uppsatsen handlar om HTF:s och Sif:s arbete med jämställdhet och mångfald. Hur de som fackförbund är förebilder med möjlighet att påverka samhället. Uppsatsens syfte är att ur ett genusvetenskapligt perspektiv undersöka och ge exempel på hur förbunden arbetar med jämställdhet och mångfald, internt mot de anställda och externt mot medlemmar samt hur de hanterar sin roll som förebild. De frågor som jag ställt mig har varit följande; Vilka exempel på skillnader finns det mellan retorik och praktik? Hur formuleras syftet med arbetet? Vad står begreppen jämställdhet och mångfald för, vilka attityder och inställningar finns? Vilka exempel på olikheter finns det på förbundens sätt att arbeta med frågor om jämställdhet och mångfald? Uppsatsen är uppbyggd kring tanken om att organisationen och dess medlemmar interagerar och återskapar tankar om genus och mångfald. Samt att jämställdhetsbegreppet är en maktordning i sig. Undersökningen är baserad på dels en enkätundersökning och dels kvalitativa djupintervjuer samt policydokument. Materialet har analyserats med hjälp av narrativanalys. Resultatet av undersökningen visar på att även om respondenterna ser facket som en förebild inom områdena jämställdhet och mångfald så finns det ett glapp mellan ord och handling, i hur förbunden vill agera i dessa frågor med hur de gör. Begreppet jämställdheten görs till en kvinnofråga emedan mångfald uppfattas som svårare att definiera. Arbetet med dessa frågor har inte heller samma tyngd och status som andra fackliga frågor inom förbunden. Även om de fackliga organisationerna har påtagit sig rollen att vara föregångare när det gäller jämställdhet och mångfald, kan det konstateras, att det finns betydligt mer att göra. / This essay is about HTFs and Sifs work with equality and diversity. How they as trade unions are to be considered role models with the possibility to influence society. The essay's aim is that from a gender science perspective, to examine and give examples on how the above associations work with equality and diversity and how they handle their role as a model - both internally against the employee and externally against members. Which examples on differences are there between what is said and what is done? What is the aim of the work? What do the concepts of equality and diversity stand for, and which attitudes exist? Which examples are there of differences between the unions’ way of working with questions regarding equality and diversity? The essay is edified around the thought that the organization and its members recreate thoughts about gender and diversity, also that the equality concept is a power order in itself. The survey is based on a questionnaire survey and qualitative in depth interviews as well as policy documents. The material has been analysed with the aid of narrative analyses. The result of the survey shows that although those interviewed see the unions as a role model within the areas equality and diversity, there is a gap between theory and experience - in how the unions want to act upon these questions with what they do to address them. Equality is considered to be a question for women only whilst diversity is considered more difficult to define. The work with these questions does not have either the same weight or status that other trade union questions have. Although the trade union organisations have taken on themselves to be role models when it comes to equality and diversity it can be established that there is considerably more to do.

<p>This study aims at defining the development of the macro/meso level Swedish labourmarket regime during the last decade. This includes the effect of structural changesand what development tendencies exist. For this purpose three questions have beenformulated:1. How can the macro/meso level relations between the labour market organizations of the bargainingrounds since 1997 be described using the concepts exit, voice and loyalty as an interpretation oforganizational choices?2. How can the changing relations between the labour market organizations be explained?3. Based on this, how can the present labour market regime be defined?For this purpose the concept of labour market regimes is used. The interactionbetween actors in this is interpreted through a cooperative game theory coupled withthe concepts exit, voice, loyalty. Exit means the actors leaving the system,corresponding to the negotiation game threats. Voice means negotiation conflictresolution. Loyalty both correspond to coalition patterns and forces keeping theregime in place. Material is informant interviews with key actors and officialdocuments from bargaining and negotiation. The results of the study are that therelations have been stabilized by the IA of 1997, since which the development istowards increased peak-level organizational involvement. Because of labour marketfragmentation this takes the form in confederation coordination between differentparties. To conceptualize this I propose the concept peak-level coordinatedbargaining. In this the coalition development is towards the reemergence of oldloyalty patterns and the inclusion of new actors in this system. To explain this pathdependency due to well established loyalties and actor continuity is suggested.</p>

This study sets out the policy frameworks concerning older workers in Sweden and the Netherlands. This will be done by setting out both European and national contextual backgrounds. Further this study will examine whether or not there are specific initiatives taken by trade unions, and if so, what their features are. The results are gathered through a qualitative document analysis, complemented with the results of a self-completion questionnaire that has been sent to trade union confederations. The results of this study show that in both Sweden and the Netherlands policies are in place that strengthen the position of older workers. Sweden has developed multiple policies that aim to motivate people to work longer than the age of 61, and is focused on increasing the employability of workers. Even though in the Netherlands early retirement opportunities were widespread, currently policies and pension reforms discourage people from retiring early. Further, the debate about participation in and access to lifelong learning has regained importance, which shows that there is an increased attention for the development of employability of (older) workers. When it comes to trade unions, in Sweden there are no specific initiatives aiming at older workers. In the Netherlands, on the contrary, all trade unions participate in the development of i.e. the Policy Agenda 2020.

This study describes the way in which the various Methodist groups contributed to the English agricultural labourers coming to trade unionism in the early 1870s. It is concerned both with the genesis and the subsequent growth of this movement which extended from 1872 until 1896, and is commonly denoted "The Revolt of the Field". This is a local study being concerned with the three East Anglian counties of Lincolnshire, Norfolk, and Suffolk, and it examines the fortunes of two major agricultural unions both of which operated in each of those counties. Attempt has been made to utilise as much primary source material as possible both for Methodism and Agricultural Unionism. Much use has been made of letters, questionnaires and unstructured interviews. It has been the writer's endeavour to show how and why the fortunes of the rural labourer in our chosen area became entwined with Methodism, and how this in turn helped to give birth to agricultural unionism. The study is in two parts. In the first of these, attention is focussed on some of the specific ways in which Methodism contributed to the origin of agricultural unionism by such means as providing a rudimentary education, opportunities for public speaking, leadership and organisation, or by the loan of chapel premises for meetings. In the second part, attempt has been made to illustrate the continuing impress of Methodism on the subsequent progress of the movement. Throughout, specifically Methodist phenomena have been a particular focus of attention. Such aspects as for example, Methodist conversion experience, Methodist organisation, and Methodist views with regard to the Millennium have been treated in some detail. Attention has also been given to the contemporary Methodist attitudes both to the unions themselves as well as to related matters of union policy such as Temperance or the loan of buildings.

The expansion of European union has posed vital changes in the European community as countries have erased their borders for their eastern neighbours and actively involved themselves in mutual business activity. Free movement of labour and service has taken place,and though some Western countries have posed obstacles for the further integration, the trend is currently occurring. In this paper we will try to take a closer look at the labour and service movement in Sweden and cover different views from different parties – EU, Swedish tradeunions, business companies that would share their perspectives on the issue.