Orientador: Maria Alejandra Caporale Madi / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T22:08:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Toro_NuhuAbbayo_M.pdf: 3967794 bytes, checksum: a171718fe3a8deb0e89fefa61c289d9b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Os impactos da crise financeira global na Nigéria têm se mostrado evidentes tanto no desempenho de seu sistema financeiro quando no setor real. Os sindicatos também foram profundamente afetados porque seu número diminuiu e muitos dos trabalhadores nos setores público, bancário e têxtil perderam seus empregos. A tese visa a demonstração da reação governamental e dos trabalhadores no pós-crise. As tensões entre o governo e os trabalhadores foram aprofundadas num contexto onde a flexibilização do trabalho coloca os sindicatos em posição de desvantagem para a barganha. Particularmente são analisadas as negociações acerca do salário mínimo. Entretanto, a crise financeira global também representou uma oportunidade para o governo da Nigéria considerar setores não relacionados ao petróleo como pilares do crescimento e desenvolvimento e para os sindicatos da Nigéria desenvolverem novas estratégias / Abstract: The global financial crisis' economic impacts on Nigeria have been evident in the performance of the financial system as well as in the real sector. The trade unions were also deeply affected because their number diminished and many of the workers in the public sector, banking and textile sectors lost their jobs. The thesis is aimed at showing the responses of the government and workers after the crisis. The tensions between the government and workers were deepened in the context where labor flexibilisation put the trade unions in a more disadvantaged position to bargain effectively. We particulary analyse the negotiations around the minimum wage. However, the global financial crisis also represented an opportunity to the Nigeria Government to look at non oil sectors as pillars of growth and development and for the Nigeria trade unions to develop new union strategies / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jair_Alberto_Mayer_Dissertacao.pdf: 816343 bytes, checksum: 1f8c26fec3a3b42ed3370211b90438a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-15 / This study analyses the constitution and action of a work cooperative and its internal relationships in Pelotas City, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. It was questioned the role of work cooperatives in the process of disorganization of formal paid employment and terceirization in several productive activities which demand some intensive and smaller professional qualification labour from workers´ experiences in everyday work in the cooperative. It also covers an analysis of neoliberal politics consequences on building identities of the working class and their repercussion on workers´ trade union organizations. At last it evaluates workers´ trade unions actions in relation to the terceirization process of work relations and to the cooperative. / O presente estudo analisa a constituição, atuação e as relações internas de uma cooperativa de trabalho na cidade de Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. Realiza a partir da experiência de trabalhadores no cotidiano do trabalho na cooperativa, um questionamento do papel das cooperativas de trabalho no curso do processo de desestruturação do emprego assalariado formal e do processo de terceirização em diversas atividades produtivas que demandam mão de obra intensiva e de menor qualificação profissional. O estudo compreende, ainda, um dimensionamento das consequências das políticas neoliberais sobre a constituição de identidades da classe trabalhadora e sua repercussão sobre as organizações sindicais de trabalhadores. Finalmente, avalia a atuação dos sindicatos de trabalhadores no plano local, relativamente ao processo de terceirização das relações de trabalho e à cooperativa.

Magister Commercii - MCom / Workers' right to strike is embedded in the South African Constitution and this right generally reflects a sign of fairness. Strike activities form a vital part of collective bargaining and the supremacy liaison between employers and employees would be severely ruined if workers are not entitled the right to strike. Ever since the right to strike was documented in the South African Constitution, strike actions have been a collective occurrence in the country. Reasons for strikes in South Africa are multi-layered and their effects are harmfully disastrous. Workers are on strikes due to various reasons such as low pay, inequality, and unemployment as a result of union conflicts and the inequitable degree of labour relations. However, strikes would lead to various problems in the economy, such as reduced production, scaring off investors, labour replaced by capital, etc. This study first defines the various key concepts relating to industrial action, before reviewing the theories on strikes as well as the results of past local and empirical studies. The study moves on to use the Department of Labour's 2003-2014 Industrial Action Report data to provide descriptive statistics on strike activities in 1999-2014 by broad industry categories (examining the number of strikes, work hours lost, work days lost, time-loss ratios, principle causes of strikes, most active trade unions involved in strikes), before using a static approach to estimate the value of total production foregone as well as the value foregone as a proportion of gross value added (GVA) by industry in each year as a result of strikes. Finally, the older 1970-1998 strikes data from the International Labour Organization (ILO) is ‘merged’ with the abovementioned 1999-2014 data, to examine the econometric relationship between strikes and business cycles, and it is found that strikes are procyclical.

Trade unions and environmental movements are often seen as political opponents most prominently discussed in the form of the "jobs vs. environment dilemma". Based on historical examples of the conflict relations between trade unions and environmental groups in the Austrian energy sector, this paper showcases how the relationship between the two groups has changed from enmity to first attempts at alliance building. Drawing from analysis of union documents and problem-centred interviews conducted with Austrian unionists, it shows that newly emerging alliances between unions and environmental movements contain the seeds for a broad societal movement that can help overcome the paradigm of growth and actively engage in the creation of policies that support a social-ecological transformation.

South Africa has in recent years seen employees embarking on strike actions from different employment sectors. This impacts adversely on inter alia the economy, investor confidence and the high rate of unemployment. As will be pointed out in the research, BMW took a decision in 2013 to stop production into South Africa as a result of the labour unrest that caused them to lose 13000 cars in production and to miss supply targets. The strike in the construction industry in August to September 2012, cost employers an estimated R2.7 billion in lost revenue. The research is aimed at establishing the cause of the unrest that is affecting South Africa. The strike action should be the ultimate weapon when negotiations between the employer and employees have failed. Parties to the employment relationship are encouraged through the LRA and the Constitution to engage in collective bargaining. Mechanisms such as organisational rights, bargaining forums, freedom of association, no duty to bargain are aimed at achieving orderly collective bargaining. Despite the current labour laws in place, which in my view are not onerous, negotiations still fail. Could it be that the trade unions are desperate to gain and maintain popularity and as a consequence present the employer with unreasonable demands? Could it be that collective bargaining process needs to be revisited? Educating trade union leaders should be considered as one of the factors in arriving at a solution. Some employers are considering alternatives rather than increasing their labour force. With the high unemployment rate, this is a worrying reality and a solution is urgently required. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / lk2014 / Mercantile Law / LLM / Unrestricted

M.A.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / The ever increasing regional and global trade competition has manifested itself in a growing number of non-standard forms of employment including the increasing use of "temporary employment services" (or “labour brokers” as commonly referred to). Labour brokers enter into employment relationships as third parties with client companies to supply employees through a commercial contract. These labour services usually fall outside the regular twoparty contract of employment defined under existing labour laws and thus the employees are not covered by that law. Labour brokers have been labelled as “the re-emergence of new apartheid strategy” and “modern slavery” by some quarters in labour sectors of Namibia and South Africa. Trade unions, particularly, have led the most vocal resistance against labour brokers in both countries. They argue that, like previous apartheid contract labour systems, labour brokers today erode standards for decent working conditions and weaken union representations in the workplace. Thus unions have repeatedly sent strong calls to lawmakers to amend existing labour laws and „forever put labour broking in its grave where it belong‟1. On the other hand, employers have argued that recent forces of globalisation demand flexible employment strategies and banning labour brokers will make it more difficult for local businesses compete profitably globally via flexible short term employments and can lead to losses of many job opportunities.2 It is against this background that I will argue that current labour laws should be amended to define and regulate labour brokers more closely and compel them to recognise workers rights and conditions as equal as those of standard employees. But first, I will highlight some socio-economic indicators influencing the labour markets in South Africa and Namibia, including the history of worker‟s rights under the contract labour systems in both countries. Second, I will look at some of the expressed exploitive conditions resulting from the use of labour brokers and also look at some reasons why businesses engage labour brokers. Thereafter I will point out some of the reasons why trade unions have called for a total ban on labour brokers. I will then discuss the difficulty of banning labour brokers, including the constitutional challenge in the landmark case of African Personnel Services v Government of the Republic of Namibia3. Lastly i will expand on the ruling by the Namibian Supreme Court of Appeal (NSA) recommending a regulatory approach in line with the International Labour Organisation‟s (ILO) conventions on third-party employments. / South Africa

En dépit de la place importante qu’elles occupent dans les sociétés contemporaines, les activités physiques et sportives continuent d’occuper une place secondaire sur l’agenda politique. Pourtant, dès le début du 20e siècle, des militants ouvriers ont commencé à développer une approche particulière du sport. Après avoir rappelé quelques éléments de l’histoire de ce « sport ouvrier », et en particulier les contradictions qui le traversent, nous nous intéressons surtout ici à la manière dont ses héritiers après la Seconde guerre mondiale ont tenté d’ériger le sport en enjeu politique de première importance en France. Ce « milieu communiste du sport », site d’interactions particulier qui dépasse les frontières des organisations s’articule cependant autour d’un certain nombre de carrefours. La commission sport nationale du PCF institutionnalisée en 1959 est de ceux-là. Appuyée sur l’analyse d’archives, d’entretiens et d’une participation observante de plusieurs années au sein de ce collectif, cette enquête propose ainsi d’étudier le statut, le fonctionnement et le recrutement d’un tel groupe de travail thématique. Il s’agit en d’autres termes de chercher à comprendre ce que militer pour la cause du sport veut dire, comment certains en viennent à s’engager pour cet objet relativement illégitime dans le champ politique pour saisir enfin quel type de doctrine ils produisent. Une deuxième partie est consacrée aux appropriations elles-mêmes de cette doctrine ailleurs dans le parti, en s’intéressant aux politiques sportives de deux municipalités de la « banlieue rouge » puis à celle menée au gouvernement lorsque le portefeuille des Sports échoit pour la première fois à une communiste, consécration en trompe-l’oeil du travail de la commission. / In spite of the major attention they benefit from in contemporary societies, sport and physical activities remain a secondary matter in the political agenda. Yet, since the beginning of the 20th Century, working class activists began developing a peculiar approach of sport. After recapping a few elements on this “working class sport” and specifically its contradictions, we will focus on how its heirs have tried to make sport a first-matter subject in France after World War II. This “communist sport world” goes beyond organizations’ borders but is nevertheless made of several crossroads. Created in 1959, the French Communist Party sport commission is one of them. This inquiry is based upon various archival sources, direct interviews and above all an ethnographic immersion during several years. It aims at studying the status of such a work group in a political party or a Trade union, how it works and who are its members. In other words, it is trying to understand what it means to advocate for sport while being a communist activist and what kind of doctrine they produce given who they are and where they stand from in social space. The second part focuses on how other members of the Party appropriate themselves this doctrine by analyzing the sports policies developed in two historically communist cities and then finally the consequences of having a communist minister of Sports for the first time in the very end of the 20th Century.

Corporate governance phenomena have traditionally been, and are still, studied foremost as relationships between principals and agents. Studies of how accounting plays out in corporate governance settings rather share the interest in hierarchical influence than challenge it. The present thesis argues that when studying accounting in corporate governance settings we must, in addition to studying hierarchical influence, take into account the ‘field of governance’ in which accounting is situated. The hierarchical influence with which the corporate governance literature is concerned does not occur in an isolated setting, but in a field with pre-existing, concurrent and entering governance initiatives, technologies and actors. Such aspects of the field of governance necessarily influence how accounting is able to serve corporate governance ends. Based on two empirical cases, institutional investors and trade unions, active in a field of governance concerned with social and environmental aspects of corporate performance, this thesis consists of four studies investigating the different aspects (who, what and where) of the field of governance and the influence these aspects have on accounting in a corporate governance setting. This thesis, as a result, proposes a new way to study accounting in corporate governance settings and identifies further conditions for accounting’s constitutive ability. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 1: Submitted. Paper 2: Submitted. Paper 3: Manuscript. Paper 4: Manuscript.</p>

The main purpose of the work is to analyze the most important aspects of post war development in Great Britain. My attention will be focused primarily on measures taken by the Labour government, which for the first time in history came to power. In second part I will describe the building of the welfare state from the World War II until the end of 80's of the 20th century, when Margaret Thatcher was elected to be the prime minister. In the third part of the work I will analyze her impact on the economic conversion of Great Britain from Keynesianism to Monetarist doctrine of free market forces and responsibility of each individual for his / her fate. The government of Margaret Thatcher has set a new direction, which becomes the inspiration for many other politicians around the world. In the end of the work, I will describe the circumstances which led to the resignation of the first female prime minister in the history of Great Britain.