O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação do Brasil em comércio exterior durante os anos de 2003 a 2013. Considera-se que neste período o país tem feito uso de medidas protecionistas com o objetivo de elevar a competitividade dos bens brasileiros. Este fato fica mais evidente a partir de 2011, com o lançamento do Plano Brasil Maior, dentro do qual as medidas de defesa comercial passam a integrar diretrizes oficiais do governo, em conjunto com perfurações tarifárias e aumentos de tarifas à importação. Além disso, outros programas, integrantes da política industrial e de comércio exterior, apresentam forte conteúdo nacionalista. Por outro lado, o fraco desempenho do setor industrial evidencia que, apesar do protecionismo, a indústria doméstica não consegue se restabelecer como setor dinâmico da economia. Nesse contexto, é possível afirmar que políticas comerciais que visam a combater processos de desindustrialização são paradoxais com as regras multilaterais? Para responder a esta pergunta, a análise foi dividida em dois artigos científicos. Primeiramente, é apresentada uma revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema da desindustrialização, para entender a evolução do conceito e a maneira como ele é trabalhado pelos principais autores nacionais e estrangeiros. O artigo busca incluir a política comercial, enquanto instrumento macroeconômico, nesta análise, ressaltando o seu papel nos resultados comerciais. Já o segundo artigo traz dados empíricos, a partir do levantamento das resoluções da CAMEX no período 2003-2013, com o objetivo de mapear o protecionismo da política comercial brasileira e entender se tais medidas servem ao propósito de exercer uma força contrária ao processo de desindustrialização. / The overall objective of this research is to analyze Brazilian performance in international trade from 2003 to 2013. During this period, Brazil has made use of protectionist measures in order to raise the competitiveness of its goods. It is more evident from 2011, with the launch of the \"Greater Brazil Plan\", within which the trade defense measures became part of the governmental guidelines, along with import tariff rate increases and perforations of Mercosul\'s Common External Tariff. In addition, there are other programs, within both trade and industrial policies, which present strong nationalist content. On the other hand, the low performance of the industrial sector shows that, despite the use of protectionist measures, the domestic industry could not be stablished, as a dynamic sector of the economy. In this context, is it possible to state that trade policies, which aim to fight de-industrialization are paradoxical with multilateral trade rules? To answer to this question, firstly, we present a review of the literature on the topic of de-industrialization, focusing on the definition of the concept, as well as how the main authors have used it. The article aims to include trade policy in the analysis, by highlighting its role in trade results, while a macroeconomic instrument. The second article provides empirical data from the survey of CAMEX resolutions during the years of 2003 to 2013, in order to map the protectionism content of Brazilian trade policy and to understand whether such measures serve to the purpose of exerting a counterforce to de deindustrialization process.

O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação do Brasil em comércio exterior durante os anos de 2003 a 2013. Considera-se que neste período o país tem feito uso de medidas protecionistas com o objetivo de elevar a competitividade dos bens brasileiros. Este fato fica mais evidente a partir de 2011, com o lançamento do Plano Brasil Maior, dentro do qual as medidas de defesa comercial passam a integrar diretrizes oficiais do governo, em conjunto com perfurações tarifárias e aumentos de tarifas à importação. Além disso, outros programas, integrantes da política industrial e de comércio exterior, apresentam forte conteúdo nacionalista. Por outro lado, o fraco desempenho do setor industrial evidencia que, apesar do protecionismo, a indústria doméstica não consegue se restabelecer como setor dinâmico da economia. Nesse contexto, é possível afirmar que políticas comerciais que visam a combater processos de desindustrialização são paradoxais com as regras multilaterais? Para responder a esta pergunta, a análise foi dividida em dois artigos científicos. Primeiramente, é apresentada uma revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema da desindustrialização, para entender a evolução do conceito e a maneira como ele é trabalhado pelos principais autores nacionais e estrangeiros. O artigo busca incluir a política comercial, enquanto instrumento macroeconômico, nesta análise, ressaltando o seu papel nos resultados comerciais. Já o segundo artigo traz dados empíricos, a partir do levantamento das resoluções da CAMEX no período 2003-2013, com o objetivo de mapear o protecionismo da política comercial brasileira e entender se tais medidas servem ao propósito de exercer uma força contrária ao processo de desindustrialização. / The overall objective of this research is to analyze Brazilian performance in international trade from 2003 to 2013. During this period, Brazil has made use of protectionist measures in order to raise the competitiveness of its goods. It is more evident from 2011, with the launch of the \"Greater Brazil Plan\", within which the trade defense measures became part of the governmental guidelines, along with import tariff rate increases and perforations of Mercosul\'s Common External Tariff. In addition, there are other programs, within both trade and industrial policies, which present strong nationalist content. On the other hand, the low performance of the industrial sector shows that, despite the use of protectionist measures, the domestic industry could not be stablished, as a dynamic sector of the economy. In this context, is it possible to state that trade policies, which aim to fight de-industrialization are paradoxical with multilateral trade rules? To answer to this question, firstly, we present a review of the literature on the topic of de-industrialization, focusing on the definition of the concept, as well as how the main authors have used it. The article aims to include trade policy in the analysis, by highlighting its role in trade results, while a macroeconomic instrument. The second article provides empirical data from the survey of CAMEX resolutions during the years of 2003 to 2013, in order to map the protectionism content of Brazilian trade policy and to understand whether such measures serve to the purpose of exerting a counterforce to de deindustrialization process.

The Diploma thesis focuses on foreign trade policy of Chile. The first part is a brief summary of socio-economic characteristics of the country. The following section deals with the individual strategies in the approach to foreign trade policy applied in Chile since independence to the present. It exams the determinants of changes in foreign trade policy of Chile and monitors changes in territorial and commodity structure of the foreign trade of Chile. In the final section assesses the current situation of the Chilean economy through a SWOT analysis.

The main goal of this thesis is to describe and analyze activities of the World trade organization. The thesis is divided into four chapters, which are related to the WTO. The first chapter decribes the multilateral trading system. The second chapter focuses on the trade policy and its tools. The third chapter summarises activities of the GATT and WTO from its foundation to the present. The last chapter is devoted to the European Union in the WTO.

The Aim of this master thesis named Consequences of WTO accession on China's trade policy is to provide a complex insight into the circumstances of accession of People's Republic of China to World Trade Organization (WTO), to map China's commitments and the real changes which were made. Subsequent prediction of future development of China's foreign trade policy and China itself was based on the analysis mentioned above.

This licentiate thesis examines the development of Swedish–Lebanese trade relations and the changes of significance for Swedish trade towards Lebanon during the period 1920-1965. The aim of the study is to explore how Sweden as representing a small, open Western economy could develop its economic interests in the emerging Middle East market characterised both by promising economic outlooks, and a high degree of political instability during the age of decolonisation, Cold War logic, and intricate commercial and geo-political factors. The study shows that the Swedish trade with Lebanon was very small during the Interwar period. It was neither possible to find any formal Swedish-Lebanese trade agreements before 1945. In the Post-War period, the promotion of Swedish trade and trade policies towards Lebanon witnessed more interests from the both parties. Two categories of explanations were found for the periods of 1946-53 and 1954-65 respectively. In the first period the Swedish-Lebanese trade developed in a traditional direction with manufactured goods being exported from Sweden and agricultural products being exported from Lebanon. Furthermore, there were no trade agreements between the two countries. In the second period, several Lebanese attempts were made to conclude bilateral trade agreement with Sweden in hope to change the traditional trade direction, and to improve the Lebanese balance of trade. Sweden was, however, convinced that Lebanon could never achieve a balanced foreign trade at least not on a bilateral basis. To maintain a fair access to the Lebanese market, the Swedish authorities avoided to conclude any trade agreement with Lebanon. Despite the Lebanese concern on the big trade deficit between the two countries, Sweden managed in increasing the trade volumes to the region of Middle East through the transit link of Lebanon.

<p>Departing from the case of textile and clothing trade dispute between the EU and China in 2005, it has been noticed that the EU’s policy in textile trade to a large extent has been situated in a position of dilemma. On the one hand, the growing global impetus of liberalization in the sector forces the EU to open up its market to cheap textile imports from the developing countries; on the other hand, the fierce protectionist pressures come from the domestic producers and slow down the paces towards liberalization, or sometimes even take setback towards more conservative performances. By placing this case in a broader context, the EU’s external trade policy is confronted with the similar dilemma, swaying between the trade liberalization and trade protection. Consequently, does the EU emerge in the current multilateral trading system of the WTO as a force for trade liberalization or a force for trade protectionism?</p><p>Bearing this question in mind, the general climate of global trade under the GATT/WTO and the EU’s external trade policy will firstly be examined. Then, the EU’s trade protectionism is about to be explained by strategic trade theory, the high political content of the EU’s external trade policy and the fragmentation in the EU’s policy networks; while the EU’s inclination towards trade liberalization will be explained by the implications from the conventional trade theory and new institutionalism, and as well as the impacts from the general climate of global trade.</p><p>The results shows that the EU’s external trade policy under the global trade liberalization is a mixture, neither pure liberalization nor pure protectionism. With regard to the trade issues concerning to the vital interests, the Union without exception inclines to conservative protectionism; whereas concerning the issues of less importance, compromises and concessions always lead the outcomes of the policy to the inspiring liberalization.</p>

<p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om det föreligger ett positivt samband mellan frihandel och ekonomisk tillväxt, dels i afrikanska länder, dels i länder tagna från hela världen. Vad jag genom min uppsats främst vill söka svar på är om en ökad grad av frihandel i Afrika bidrar till en högre ekonomisk tillväxt. Genom att även inkludera andra länder i min undersökning, försöker jag dessutom ta reda på om sambandet mellan frihandel och tillväxt ser annorlunda ut ur ett globalt perspektiv.</p><p>Som metod använder jag mig i uppsatsen av en regressionsanalys. Som mått på frihandel använder jag mig av ett index utvecklat av den amerikanska organisationen Fraser Institute, kallat Freedom to Trade Index.</p><p>Mina regressionsresultat visar på att Freedom to Trade Index ej har något statistiskt signifikant samband med den ekonomiska tillväxttakten i de afrikanska länder jag undersöker. I min ”världsundersökning” visar sig däremot indexet ha ett positivt samband med den ekonomiska tillväxttakten. Ur ett globalt perspektiv verkar således frihandel vara en faktor som påverkar den ekonomiska tillväxten positivt, däremot finns det inga tecken på att frihandel har samma effekt i afrikanska länder. Det verkar således finnas regionala faktorer inom den afrikanska kontinenten som gör att frihandel här inte påverkar den ekonomiska tillväxten.</p>

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om det föreligger ett positivt samband mellan frihandel och ekonomisk tillväxt, dels i afrikanska länder, dels i länder tagna från hela världen. Vad jag genom min uppsats främst vill söka svar på är om en ökad grad av frihandel i Afrika bidrar till en högre ekonomisk tillväxt. Genom att även inkludera andra länder i min undersökning, försöker jag dessutom ta reda på om sambandet mellan frihandel och tillväxt ser annorlunda ut ur ett globalt perspektiv. Som metod använder jag mig i uppsatsen av en regressionsanalys. Som mått på frihandel använder jag mig av ett index utvecklat av den amerikanska organisationen Fraser Institute, kallat Freedom to Trade Index. Mina regressionsresultat visar på att Freedom to Trade Index ej har något statistiskt signifikant samband med den ekonomiska tillväxttakten i de afrikanska länder jag undersöker. I min ”världsundersökning” visar sig däremot indexet ha ett positivt samband med den ekonomiska tillväxttakten. Ur ett globalt perspektiv verkar således frihandel vara en faktor som påverkar den ekonomiska tillväxten positivt, däremot finns det inga tecken på att frihandel har samma effekt i afrikanska länder. Det verkar således finnas regionala faktorer inom den afrikanska kontinenten som gör att frihandel här inte påverkar den ekonomiska tillväxten.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the regulatory power, efficiency and impact of export control on Swedish arms export from the 1980s onwards, linked to the delegation of authority of permit license to the Inspectorate of Strategic Products in 1997. An increase in the administrative sector, based on a collective decision making process and established criteria and guidelines, aimed to strengthen the control of arms export to non-democratic and problematic states. In short, the aim of the study is to investigate and analyze whether there was a decrease in the arms export to problematic states or not. On one hand, it is reasonable to assume that the introduction of the new regulation entailed a more strict arms export policy. However, previous research has showed that regulations are sometimes not effective since incentives to breach these may be present. The study begins by examining the Swedish case and situation in terms of arms manufacturing and export, as well as the delegation of authority and legislation applied to the field over time. The general conclusion is that the legislature regulations and guidelines are vague in their design, as well as outdated, accompanied by the fact that new concepts, terms and classifications are introduced. The statistics are then approached by way of the analysis of the volume and composition of the trade and of the number and shares of problematic export in relation, based on the classifications of recipients regarding political freedoms and democratic rights. Finally, a correlation analysis is conducted and shares of problematic export is compared with the total arms export over time in order to interpret development. The results indicate that the delegation of authority regarding permit licensing to the Inspectorate of Strategic Products has not led to a decrease in the numbers of disputed shares. What is more, the study demonstrates that the delegation has led to a decrease in the responsibility concerning the arms export authority that can be correlated to the continuous high levels of disputed export, which might be approved. The existence of generic guidelines that are open to interpretation combined with an outdated set of legislature, plays a large role in this.