This paper aims to explain how interpretations and perception of unionsdiffer depending on the age of the audience as well as identifying what kind of development ideas and visions are detectable in union communication and practices. The paper also examines to which extent unionstriesto rejuvenate themselves and how they relate with gender issues. The case of the Colombian central union organization, CUT, is used as an example of a trade union. Within the framework of theories related to intergenerational value changes, rejuvenationand gender discourse two different analysis are made. The first one being a textualanalysis ofthe unionscommunication and the second one being a qualitative surveyanalysis of perceptions of unionsby youth. These two analyses are made separately to subsequently proceed to merge the twoand discuss how they interactwith each other. The results of this research show that the perceptions of unionsamong youth is more negative in comparison to the perception of an older generation even though the respondents did feel represented by the unionswork and shared many of the development-related issues mentioned by the unionscommunication. Intergenerational value change is a theory applied in this research that could be an answer to youth low affiliation to unionsbecause of their hierarchical structures but was however an explanation notable when it comes to differences in value priorities, where the priorities between the target groups were not radically different

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Economics, 1981. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY. / Bibliography: leaves 152-153. / by William Theodore Dickens. / Ph.D.

No / Union Learn and Unison

No / The authors provide a case study of a partnership agreement in the Tyneside maritime construction industry. They focus on the role of trade unions and the complex tensions that emerge between regional and local officials and workplace representatives. They argue that agreements can only be understood within the context of existing employee relations structures. Their conclusion suggests that the agreement had little impact on a ¿branch plant¿ of a national company and that it was often received with hostility and little commitment. As a consequence the partnership became a symbolic agreement with potential significance for external customers but no role in shaping workplace employee relations.

This thesis examines and compares German and British trade union responses in a European context following the recent European enlargements which are unprecedented in the history of the European Union. In terms of labour law, a majority of the ten Central and Eastern European countries which acceded in 2004 and 2007 combine weak domestic labour protection systems with a high proportion of workers and enterprises keen to take advantage of their free movement rights under the European Treaty. This has created a climate of fear amongst workers and trade unions in old Member States that their economic and social position is being threatened by those workers and enterprises who may avail themselves of their rights under the Treaty in order to engage in ‘social dumping’. Historically, the European Union has sought to counteract these fears by ‘europeanising’ certain aspects of national legal systems in order to alleviate competition. However, the ‘europeanisation’ of different labour law systems has always proved problematic due to the socio-cultural context within which national labour laws have developed. Following the recent European enlargements, the debate on the role of the EU in ‘europeanising’ national social and legal practices has been revived. In particular, European enlargement has thrown up changed regulatory and opportunity structures for the social partners. These structural changes at a European level have occurred primarily as a consequence of an increase in the free movement of workers, services and establishment. Against this background, the purpose of this thesis is to undertake a comparison of the responses of German and British trade unions to the challenges posed by the recent European enlargements. A successful comparison and analysis of the responses of trade unions enables a determination of the impact that trade union responses may have on new Member State workers availing themselves of their free movement rights under the EU Treaty. There is an intense debate as to how, and if, social partners at a national and European level may be able to contribute to, or hinder, the protection of new Member State workers in Germany and the UK. Depending on how trade unions respond their contribution may be viewed as positive or negative. However, this thesis yields suggestions as to how trade unions could respond in order to facilitate the integration of new Member State workers into the host labour markets and proposes a new model for studying aspects of europeanisation.

An important feature of Chinese industrial relations is the changing role of collective labour since the early 2000s. The authorities in Beijing have introduced substantial new legislation and policies aimed at strengthening the contractual basis of employment and encouraging the extension of trade union membership and collective bargaining. Meanwhile, unofficial strikes in non-state sectors have become increasingly severe in terms of their intensity and complexity. The Chinese trade unions, which in law protect workers’ rights, have encountered challenges from the increasing demands of these strikes. This thesis looks at how the Chinese trade unions have responded to pressures from rank-and-file workers in the private sector. The thesis starts with a review of the development of Chinese labour law relating to dispute resolution and trade unions in the transition from a command economy to a partial capitalist market economy. A literature review of the role of trade unions in industrial conflict indicates the limitations of recent research arising from looking at workplace disputes from the outside. The thesis then presents original case studies of six foreign-owned enterprises, including one joint-venture enterprise. It describes and analyses the process of dispute resolution or avoidance at these workplaces during the strike wave of 2010. The cases drew on a range of interviews and participant observations, and examined the ways in which the trade unions had been practically involved in managing strikes. The thesis suggests that strikes continue to be autonomously organised by workers, while trade unions generally pursue a role limited to resolving the dispute. The cases illustrate how union guidance in dispute resolution encourages concessions to workers’ demands by foreign employers. The operational forms and the effects of this union dominated approach are varied, reflecting the specific industrial relations context at different locations. The research suggests that this reactive union approach is likely to be unstable and conditional. In the reforms that have followed strike action, the status of trade unions is being enhanced as a result of a simultaneous strengthening of their links with both workers and the government authorities. There are mixed implications for the likelihood that the trade unions will become more responsive in character. The thesis provides insights on the potential and constraints of state-approved trade unions in channeling workers’ discontents into formal decision-making processes.

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) is dedicated to achieving social justice throughout the world. It specifically recognises the right to collective bargaining as one of the main drivers of its ambitions. It desires to achieve social justice through various Conventions and Recommendations. South Africa as a member of ILO constitutionally recognises the right to engage in collective bargaining. The Labour Relations Act (LRA) advocates for the establishment of bargaining councils in various sectors in the country to effectively recognise this right. This study predominantly focuses on the efficiency of these councils as tools for collective bargaining. The study is intended to ultimately provide a lesson to Lesotho. Trade unions in Lesotho’s garment industry are adamant that bargaining councils are the solution to the country’s collective bargaining woes. Specific attention is paid to the history of collective bargaining in the two countries to firstly indicate the inter relation of the bargaining framework in the two countries and to trace the origins of the bargaining councils in South Africa’s set up. The role of these councils is examined, with prime attention placed on the advantages and disadvantages of industry level bargaining. The Constitutions of the National Textile Bargaining Council and The National Bargaining Council for the Manufacturing Industry are examined to determine the roles these councils play in the collective bargaining framework of South Africa. Attention is also paid to the procedures required for the establishment of these councils. The challenges facing this form of bargaining are also outlined, with prime attention being given to the cases in South African courts that are a potential threat to the bargaining council system in South Africa. The study culminates in conclusions on the bargaining framework in South Africa and provides recommendations on ways to improve the collective bargaining framework in the country. This subsequently provides a platform for the lessons that Lesotho should learn from the framework in South Africa. The study ultimately concludes that bargaining councils are efficient tools for the promotion of collective bargaining. They, however, are not a desirable solution for the collective bargaining problems faced in Lesotho’s context. / LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) is dedicated to achieving social justice throughout the world. It specifically recognises the right to collective bargaining as one of the main drivers of its ambitions. It desires to achieve social justice through various Conventions and Recommendations. South Africa as a member of ILO constitutionally recognises the right to engage in collective bargaining. The Labour Relations Act (LRA) advocates for the establishment of bargaining councils in various sectors in the country to effectively recognise this right. This study predominantly focuses on the efficiency of these councils as tools for collective bargaining. The study is intended to ultimately provide a lesson to Lesotho. Trade unions in Lesotho’s garment industry are adamant that bargaining councils are the solution to the country’s collective bargaining woes. Specific attention is paid to the history of collective bargaining in the two countries to firstly indicate the inter relation of the bargaining framework in the two countries and to trace the origins of the bargaining councils in South Africa’s set up. The role of these councils is examined, with prime attention placed on the advantages and disadvantages of industry level bargaining. The Constitutions of the National Textile Bargaining Council and The National Bargaining Council for the Manufacturing Industry are examined to determine the roles these councils play in the collective bargaining framework of South Africa. Attention is also paid to the procedures required for the establishment of these councils. The challenges facing this form of bargaining are also outlined, with prime attention being given to the cases in South African courts that are a potential threat to the bargaining council system in South Africa. The study culminates in conclusions on the bargaining framework in South Africa and provides recommendations on ways to improve the collective bargaining framework in the country. This subsequently provides a platform for the lessons that Lesotho should learn from the framework in South Africa. The study ultimately concludes that bargaining councils are efficient tools for the promotion of collective bargaining. They, however, are not a desirable solution for the collective bargaining problems faced in Lesotho’s context. / LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

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Wage compression was an important goal for Swedish blue-collar trade unions during the post-war period. This was achieved during the period 1956-1982 and is credited by many due to the writings of trade union-economists Gösta Rehn and Rudolf Meidner. However some scholars question the substantial impact that is credited to the program drafted from Rehn and Meidners writings, some mean to say that the market could be equally if not sole creditable or responsible for the Swedish development of wage compression. This paper compares the development of wage compression and dispersion between Norway and Sweden during the said period in order to find out which had more impact: the market or trade union ideology? The result is two-pronged: The market forces put the terms for a similar development during the period, the Swedish wage policies put the terms for the differences.