Ethno-archaeological evidence shows that taro [Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott] originated in Asia. It may have been brought into South Africa a few hundred years after 300 BC from Madagascar, where Malaysian settlers introduced it about 300 BC. The crop is grown in the tropical and subtropical regions of the world, largely for subsistence on farms. In South Africa, taro is mainly produced in the subtropical coastal belt, stretching from Bizana in the Eastern Cape to the KwaZulu-Natal north coast. Although it is a staple crop for the subsistence farmers who grow it, there are no data on taro agronomy in South Africa. The hypothesis of this study was that traditional knowledge about taro production practices is not adequate to form a basis for agronomic and extension interventions to promote the status of the crop to that of a commercial commodity. A survey was conducted at two districts in KwaZulu-Natal, Umbumbulu and Ndwedwe, where taro is a staple crop. The objective of the survey was to determine the cultural practices associated with taro production, including knowledge about varieties, agronomy, plant protection, storage and marketing. Qualitative data obtained from the survey was used to plan an investigation into the agronomy of taro. The survey showed that subsistence farmers at Ndwedwe and Umbumbulu used traditional methods for taro production that had very small influence from the extension services from the Department of Agriculture. The farmers identified three varieties of taro, which they designated as the "red", "white" and "Zulu" types. The "red" and "white" designations were based on consistent crop morphological characteristics. This finding confirmed the reliability of indigenous knowledge for crop classification.The survey also revealed that wetland and dryland conditions are used to produce taro. At Umbumbulu, production occurred predominantly under dryland conditions, whereas at Ndwedwe there was an almost even utilisation of both wetlands and drylands. At both locations, the farmers estimated plant spacing using their feet, which showed that the plant populations would be about 18400 plants ha(-1). Full corms were a predominant type of propagation material. In the light of the survey findings about site types (wetland or dryland), propagation material and plant spacing for taro production, field experiments were designed to 1) determine the effect of site type on taro production, 2) compare three propagule types (full corm, full corm with a shoot and half corm) in taro production and 3) examine the effect of planting density (18400, 24600 and 37000 plants ha(-1) on the performance of propagules with respect to production under wetland and dryland conditions. Field experiments showed that wetland cultivation improved taro yield by 40% compared with dryland production. However, in each of the two site categories, there were significant differences between sites. Using full corms with shoots also enhanced taro yield (42% > full corms without shoots and 66% > half corms), when means were determined across all sites and planting densities. Increasing planting density also caused an increase in taro production (4.9 t ha (-1), 6.8 t ha (-1) and 11.5 t ha (-1), for 18400,24600 and 37000 plants ha,(-1), respectively; LSD (0.05) = 1.4 t ha,1). The enhanced performance of taro under wetland conditions, where corms with a shoot were used and at high planting densities may have been associated with photosynthetic efficiency. Wetland conditions and corms with shoots improved plant emergence and plant growth, which are essential agronomic conditions for efficient capture of the sun's energy for photosynthesis. It is proposed that using propagules with shoots and high plant populations under dryland conditions could enhance taro production. Although wetland cultivation enhanced yield, the survey showed that the total area of land that could be used for wetland cultivation at Ndwedwe and Umbumbulu was too small to warrant sustainable wetland production. / Thesis (M.Sc.Agric.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.

This study explored and examined indigenous knowledge IK in the process of maize production and soil management by farmers in Msinga in central KwaZulu-Natal. This study was qualitative in nature. Two methods were used for data collection: focus group discussions; and individual semi-structured interviews. The study found that the Msinga farmers have a range of techniques and strategies to produce maize and manage the soil; they have been relying on this knowledge for generations. However, many farmers have also begun to adopt elements of western science such as the use of hybrid seeds, fertilizers and pesticides – albeit access to them is a major problem. It was also found that these indigenous knowledge and techniques have also suffered as result of different factors, including the climate conditions as result of the growing drought in the area, the passing on of elders with knowledge, and the breakdown of social cohesion. Communities' indigenous knowledge has been rendered ineffective to, alone, address their maize production and soil management issues. As a result, indigenous knowledge is dying in this community and the farmers are not able to produce sufficient maize to meet their needs. In the face of these pressures, the Msinga farmers also lack any meaningful external assistance either from the government or private agencies. They have no access to extension. This means that communities have to fend for themselves, and where indigenous knowledge has failed they have no other alternatives that will help them to adjust to their environment. Finally, the study found that as a result of this stasis, the Msinga farmers and their families are poor and lack the basic means for their daily survival; food shortages are frequent. The consequence is that they appear powerless and unable to cope with challenges. The study recommends an integrated approach to address issues of reconstructing indigenous knowledge; social cohesion; environmental matters; poverty eradication; external support and integrating indigenous knowledge and western science. / Thesis (M.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

The transformation of South Africa’s rural communal spaces into an economically viable, socially stable and harmonious sector is currently on the political agenda, the efforts of the public sector to achieve this however have fallen far short of the intended goal leaving subsistence and emerging farmers with little or no support. A current decline in agricultural activity in South Africa’s rural areas threatens to weaken even further the strength of rural economies. Calls for the return of ‘peasant’ agriculture to the political and academic agendas and a clarion call for South African farmers to rewrite their history lie within the problem of sustaining humanity with the economic, social, environmental and temporal dimensions as a driver for development. This thesis interprets the activities and behaviours that defined the innovative response of small-scale commercial farmers in KwaZulu-Natal who role model ‘farming’ as a ‘way of life’ in communal land spaces. The focus of the research was to interpret a useful meaning in the re-negotiation of power relationships between producers and their market. It conceptualised the process of individuals who had determined, and continue to define, their future. The events observed over the three years of field work, offered the possibility of generating an emergent solution to re-inventing farming as a way of life as season by season, decisions were made at the individual homestead level, collectively at community level and between internal and external decision-makers for market oriented agriculture as an additional farming strategy. A constructivist epistemology, relying on a pragmatic approach to using grounded theory methods within a participatory process, constituted the study design. The research focussed only on emic issues as the ‘culture’ or social and material priorities of the agronomic system in transition. For this reason, sensitising concepts were drawn from within the context to limit the scope and analysis of the study. Following the field work and write up, the literature of agrarian change was used to locate the study and consider the practical contribution of the study. This research identified that ‘successful’ commercial homestead agriculture was the result of changes in mind-set that allowed for new norms and behaviours for farming practice and for relationships. These shifts provided leverage points for overcoming resistance between producers and markets in accommodating a sustainable market oriented agronomy. Influencing the change was the impact of informed decision making, which brought the stakeholders together through the sharing of values and beliefs. Success was interpreted as using the market-orientated production of amadumbe to tap into the factors that sustained and created social cohesion, as well as those that stimulated agricultural activity. This emphasis encouraged the capacity for development and cultivation of sustainability. The research proposes that deliberate interdependence between producers and markets creates the incentive for development that is self-determining, sustainable and derives economic benefits from agricultural activity. This research contributes towards understanding how to re-define commercialisation as an inherent characteristic of traditional agricultural practice and, within this, a meaningful description for stakeholders of the social impact of a deliberate and mutually determined reconstruction of livelihood reality through a farmer-market researcher relationship. The research introduces the need for a new way of engaging over agriculture in communal spaces; how Discourse is defined and managed; for whom the results of evaluation and monitoring are aimed; and to whom the results of research belong. The research raises consciousness of the need for a space within which dialogue and support for sustaining social agriculture and the role that research institutions could play. The product of this research is a theory whose core variable defines successful commercial homestead agriculture as a dimension of systemic integrity between internal and external economic interactions. Systemic integrity has been defined as the process by which commercialisation of traditional agriculture has been demonstrated through tapping into the motivations that stimulate agricultural activity and nurturing social cohesion as the framework for legitimate development partnerships. The findings contribute to the discussion of how to unlock the technological and productive potential of rural communities within the images of supportiveness, solidarity, and communalism that produce food for the survival of humanity in a contemporary and dynamic world. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

For the majority of rural people, agricultural activities continue to be one of their main livelihood strategies. Production of food crops is not dependent on any formally acquired knowledge of farming but is solely based on indigenous agricultural knowledge passed from generation to generation through experience and careful observations. Resource-poor farmers, especially in rural areas, follow traditional farming methods to produce their food crops and these are specifically tailored to suit their environments. Embo is located in rural KwaZulu-Natal and falls under Mkhambathini municipality. The area is characterised by small-holder farmers who are mainly Ezemvelo Farmers Organisation (EFO) members. The purpose of this study was to review the farming practices followed by farmers in respect of food crop production and secondly to understand what influences the continual practice of such farming practices among rural farming communities of Embo in KwaZulu-Natal especially the EFO farmers. The study looked at what farmers see as traditional agriculture. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods was used for the study. Data collection methods included participatory observations, semi structured face-to-face interviews and focus group discussions. The study found that farmers are happy to follow traditional farming methods to produce their food crops. Traditional farming tools such as the hoe and animal traction are the main implements used to prepare land. Household members are the main source of farm labour with men mainly responsible for ploughing activities while the bulk of planting, weeding and harvesting activities is the responsibility of women. Cropping patterns include intercropping and crop rotation with common crops being amadumbe, beans, maize and sweet potatoes. The majority of these crops are produced for both subsistence and commercial reasons. Amadumbe is an important commercial crop produced organically. Crop protection against pests is done through traditional methods where farmers mix some concoctions made from locally available resource in order to minimise losses. Kraal manure is the main soil fertility strategy followed by farmers. Landrace seeds are the main seed type used by the farmers. Local seed sources include own production and asking from other farmers. Crops with good qualities are selected in fields and maintained as seeds, which are then stored separate from those for home consumption. Harvesting is mainly done manually and for important crops such as tubers with short shelf lives, harvested through piecemeal methods. Farmers are able to generate some income from their efforts and this contributes to local economies and household food security. Farmers value their farming methods and see their farming as efficient despite challenges. There is a need to consider developing labour support groups in order to ease the burden of labour especially by women. In view of the importance of traditional farming in the lives of rural people, it is important that agricultural scientists and extension officers take into consideration the knowledge farmers already have so as to develop technologies suitable for farmers’ environments. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.