The thesis argues that Christianity underwent a profound process of inculturation during the "long eighteenth century", which was caused by the absence of foreign missionaries after the edict of 1724 and by the fact that the Christian centres moved from China's cities into the countryside and wilderness.

<p> Livy's Ab Urbe Condita, a history of Rome from its foundations to his own day, has been the subject of much scholarly analysis and criticism. The 35 extant books are primarily a political and military narrative in the tradition of Roman historiography, written at the end of the period known to us as the Republic and in the early decades of Rome's imperial period (ca. 30 BC--14 AD). What is remarkable about the work is the volume of stories and incidental references to family relationships and family life, particularly marriages and parent-child relationships, which often have little bearing on political or military activities. Throughout the AUC, Livy constructs consistent representations of family ideals according to the features of traditional morality that were dominant during his own day, applying them even to periods in which Roman society was likely quite different. His stories include emphatic and vivid exempla of traditionally appropriate behaviour between husbands and wives and in sexual behaviour as well as reciprocal duties between parents and their children. The explanations for Livy's keen interest in family relationships lie both in his own background and in the socio-political turbulence of the period during which he matured and began to write his history. During this same period, Augustus rose to political prominence and invoked a similar set of moral values in his programme of cultural renewal, in legislation as well as visual culture. The elements of this programme can be usefully compared to Livy's constructions of family ideology to further inform and articulate the scope of moral concerns which were of interest to politically and culturally active Romans of the first century BC. </p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Submitted by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-04-13T17:29:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoBatistadaSilvaDissertacao2017.pdf: 1985015 bytes, checksum: 05122c8ab94bfe518cb37e6b3ea40bf0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-04-13T17:29:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoBatistadaSilvaDissertacao2017.pdf: 1985015 bytes, checksum: 05122c8ab94bfe518cb37e6b3ea40bf0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-13T17:29:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JoaoBatistadaSilvaDissertacao2017.pdf: 1985015 bytes, checksum: 05122c8ab94bfe518cb37e6b3ea40bf0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-15 / This dissertation focuses on scientific morality as a means of overcoming traditional morality featured on the work ???A brief introduction to philosophy of education: the progressive school or the transformation of school??? by An??sio Teixeira. The philosophical view presented in Teixeira???s work was heavily influenced by two works of John Dewey: Experience and education and Democracy and education: introduction to the philosophy of education. Based on these two references, more directly on the first one, in which Dewey developed the theory of experience, Teixeira approached the issue of traditional versus scientific morality. Teixeira???s claims that the traditional morality, which prevailed in his context and that had in the catholic church its most vocal supporters, did not assure that the school, as a medium of education, could cater to a society that had been undergoing fast transformations. This morality, Teixeira argued, harbored in its entirety rigid and authoritarian principles that did not contribute for an optimal individual development once blind obedience, inaction, the respect to books, and professors were unquestionable rules. Therefore, in a society in which, due to scientific progress, had been going through continuous changes in its social tapestry and, above all, with a visible democratic tendency, called for schools to adopt in its pedagogical practice the scientific morality that embraced the advances stemming from the experimental morality. Teixeira argument on the relevance of scientific lied on the fact that it would contribute for a democratic education due to the sheer fact that it would grant the individual freedom of expression of his personality. It would also allow the individual to make his own choices and bear its inherent responsibilities in a way permitted him to be capable of self-government becoming his own master and a promoter of social welfare. / Esta pesquisa tem como objeto a moral cient??fica como supera????o da moral tradicional na obra Pequena introdu????o ?? filosofia da educa????o: a escola progressiva ou transforma????o da escola de An??sio Teixeira. A proposta filos??fica apresentada nesta obra de An??sio sofreu fortes influ??ncias de duas obras de John Dewey, quais sejam: Experi??ncia e educa????o e Democracia e educa????o: introdu????o ?? filosofia da educa????o. A partir destas duas refer??ncias, mais diretamente da primeira, na qual Dewey desenvolve a teoria da experi??ncia, foi que An??sio abordou o problema da moral tradicional versus a moral cient??fica. Compreende An??sio Teixeira que a moral tradicional que prevalecia no seu contexto e que tinha como defensores mais not??rios a Igreja cat??lica, n??o contribu??a para que a escola, enquanto meio de educa????o, pudesse atender a uma sociedade que vinha passando por c??leres transforma????es, j?? que esta moral tinha em seu conjunto preceitos r??gidos e autorit??rios que n??o contribu??am para a boa forma????o do indiv??duo, uma vez que a obedi??ncia e a passividade, o respeito aos livros e aos mestres eram ditames incontest??veis. Portanto, em uma sociedade que, em virtude dos avan??os cient??ficos, vinha sofrendo uma cont??nua mudan??a nos seus arranjos sociais e, sobretudo, com uma expressiva tend??ncia democr??tica, fazia-se necess??rio que a escola adotasse em seu fazer pedag??gico a moral cient??fica que incorporava tais avan??os advindos do m??todo experimental. O argumento de An??sio Teixeira sobre a relev??ncia da moral cient??fica esteia-se no fato de que esta contribuiria para uma educa????o democr??tica pelo simples fato de permitir ao indiv??duo a liberdade de express??o de sua personalidade, bem como de fazer as suas pr??prias escolhas e de assumir as suas reponsabilidades de maneira que ele fosse capaz de se autogovernar, tornar-se senhor de si mesmo e visar o bem social.

This thesis is a critical inquiry into the response to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 by Christians and Muslims. Structured around the thesis that Muslims resisted the genocide better than Christians, it explores the historical, cultural, political and theological causes that motivated and explain the actions of both faith communities in the face of genocide. The first chapter offers a critique of the dominant colonial perspective from which the topic of religion and genocide has been studied so far. It presents pre-colonial Rwandans as evolving in a complex spiritual universe, Gakondo, where religion, morality and politics were closely linked. The rise of a centralised state and sacred monarchy resulted in the theological marginalisation of the Rwandan divinity Imana and the deformation of the political conscience of the Rwanda subject. The second and the third chapter deal respectively with the beginnings of Christianity and Islam in Rwanda within the context of colonization. They show the genealogy of Christianity’s political ambivalence and Islam’s marginalisation, both which played an important role in the genocide of 1994. One significant contribution of the second chapter is to problematise the epistemological confusion between Rwandan Christianity and Roman Catholicism. Chapter four suggests a framework for the understanding of ‘Rwanda 94’ as an instance of evil. It offers a critique of the epistemic hijacking that characterises research in the Rwandan events. The chapter argues for a historical and naturalistic approach to the study of ‘Rwanda 94’, which should be qualified as ‘autocide’ instead of genocide because of the intimacy between victims and perpetrators. Chapter five and six tackle the thesis that Muslims resisted the genocide better than Christians. Examination of the factual data and revisionist discourses in post-genocide Rwanda lead to the conclusion that the imputation of success to Islam and failure to Christianity is operated by virtue of expectations on both faith communities. More specifically, chapter six provides a theological reading of Christianity’s shortcomings as sin. Chapter seven addresses the paradoxical phenomenon of religious blossoming in post-genocide Rwanda and argues that it is faith-based resistance to genocide shown by many Muslims and individual Christians which made ‘God-talk’ possible and ensured the survival of institutional religion. Chapter eight gives a summary and critique of the process of reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda. It argues that Islam and Christianity need to develop an alternative model of reconciliation that challenges and moralises the State-engineered politics of reconciliation.