Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 254 p.; also includes facsimiles, graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 196-205). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 363-378).

It is often noted that Deuteronomy 28 seems to parallel portions of a Neo-Assyrian treaty, 'The Succession Treaty of Esarhaddon', known as EST. However, while there are undeniably points of similarity between Deuteronomy 28 and EST, affinities to Deuteronomy 28 may also be found in curses from Old Aramaic epigraphs of the first-millennium. In this thesis I consider the relationship of Deuteronomy 28 to the curse traditions of the ancient Near East. I argue that the crux of the issue is the linguistic means of the transmission of these ancient Near Eastern curse traditions to Deuteronomy. Consideration of this is then the prerequisite to a study of the cultural means of transmission: treatments of this problem must encompass a far broader range of materials than hitherto considered, including the Old Aramaic inscriptions. My primary aim in this context is to ascertain whether we may characterize the relation of all these texts to Deuteronomy as one of influence or of intertextuality - terminological categories which I introduce in order to clarify the exact nature of the problem with more precision than that of previous studies. Ultimately it will be found that Deuteronomy 28 reflects a complex interplay between Mesopotamian and Levantine traditions, against previous interpreters who had referred Deuteronomy 28 to an exclusively Mesopotamian horizon. Nevertheless, we cannot consider this interplay to have stemmed from the influence of any one Old Aramaic or Mesopotamian text such as EST in terms of a direct literary connection. Rather, as putative Aramaic vectors of mediation must be posited between the Mesopotamian tradition and Deuteronomy due to the linguistic competence of Judaean scribes in the late monarchic period, this must be understood as a relationship of intertextuality. While the specific literary (or ritual) Vorlage is thus unreconstructable in terms of the documentary evidence, we can nevertheless hypothesize what the Northwest Semitic curse tradition from which this Vorlage was a part may have looked like, based upon the textual traditions to which we do have access - and this tradition is reflected in Deuteronomy 28.

In his Hebrew encyclopaedic compendium Midrash ha-Ḥokhmah, the thirteenth-century Toledan scholar Judah ben Solomon ha-Cohen reports of a correspondence, held in Arabic, that he had with an unnamed philosopher who belonged to the court of the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II in Italy. The present work investigates the different ways in which this correspondence helped transmit knowledge between scholars from different cultural and geographical settings. First, a critical edition, translation, and analysis are rendered of the two problems discussed in the text, which concern the construction of the five regular polyhedra and the calculation of oblique ascensions. The correspondence is then placed within the framework of other accounts of scholars who reportedly received imperial inquiries. It is shown that its subject matter was of interest to both the court and the scholarly community, and can be linked to the work of Frederick's correspondents Leonardo Fibonacci in Italy and the school of Ibn Yunus in Mosul, and to the work of later scholars - Campanus of Novara and Muḥyī al-Dīn al-Maghribī. The unnamed philosopher, who is proved wrong in the correspondence, is in all likelihood Theodore of Antioch. An analysis of the terminology used in the Hebrew translation of the lost Arabic original shows that Judah created a unique mathematical and astronomical vocabulary, which changed during his working life. It is influenced by that of Jacob Anatoli, but Judah's terminology is generally much closer to that of his predecessor Ibn Ezra. It is then shown that the interreligious collaboration recorded in the correspondence is typical for the appropriation of Greek learning in the Middle Ages, but its placement within the framework of the Midrash ha-Ḥokhmah is influenced by interreligious polemics. Here, it serves to prove the superiority of the Jewish religion.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1901. / Reprinted with "occasional alterations" from the American journal of archaeology, Second series, vol. VIII, 1903.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1901. / Reprinted with "occasional alterations" from the American journal of archaeology, Second series, vol. VIII, 1903.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tampereen yliopisto, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 253-263) and discography (p. 251-252). Also available online.

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of St Andrews, April 2009.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 663-677).

This thesis traces the afterlife of the Romance of the Rose in fourteenth-century England. Whether it was closely imitated or only faintly recalled, I argue that the Rose exercised its influence on fourteenth-century English literature in two principal ways. Firstly, in the development of a self-reflexive focus on how meaning is produced and transmitted. Secondly, in a concern with how far the author's intentions can be recovered from a work, and to what extent the author must claim some responsibility for the meaning of a text after its release into the world of readers. In the Rose, many of these issues are presented through the lens of a disordered erotic desire, and questions of licit and illicit textual and sexual pleasures loom large in the later responses. My investigation focuses on four English writers: William Langland, John Gower, the Gawain-Poet, and Geoffrey Chaucer. In my final chapter I suggest that the Rose ceased to be a generative force in English literature in the fifteenth century, and I try to offer some explanations as to why. In examining the influence of the Rose in England I am not trying to suggest a linear transmission of cultural dominance, but rather a complex and plural process of interaction that expands to include texts that both antedate and post-date the Rose - especially Neoplatonic allegories and Ovid, on the one hand, and, on the other, Deguileville and Machaut. The individual English writers I look at are not seen as having a single and stable attitude towards the Rose; instead, I argue, the Rose emerges as a way of thinking about the interaction between texts, how meaning is produced, and how authorial ownership is claimed or refused. Using not only literary evidence but also detailed archival research into the manuscript circulation of the Rose, I question the usefulness of 'English' and 'French' as critical categories for the study of late-medieval literature, and attempt to show that, for a certain kind of literary activity, the Rose occupied a central position in England: not a stable foundation of cultural authority, but a realm of self-questioning subversion and instability.