In the period 1999-2007, more than half a million Burkinabe returned to Burkina Faso due to the persecution of immigrant labourers in neighbouring Côte d’Ivoire. Ultranationalist debates about the criteria for Ivorian citizenship had intensified during the 1990s and led to the scapegoating of immigrants in a political rhetoric centred on notions of autochthony and xenophobia. Having been actively encouraged to immigrate by the Ivorian state for generations, Burkinabe migrant labourers were now forced to leave their homes and livelihoods behind and return to a country they had left in their youth or, as second-generation immigrants in Côte d’Ivoire, had never seen. Based on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Burkina Faso and Côte d’Ivoire, the thesis explores the narratives and everyday practices of returning labour migrants in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso’s second-largest city, in order to understand the subjective experiences of displacement that the forced return to Burkina Faso engendered. The analysis questions the appropriateness of the very notion of “return” in this context and suggests that people’s senses of home are multiplex and tend to rely more on the ability to pursue active processes of emplacement in everyday life than on abstract notions of belonging, e.g. relating to citizenship or ethnicity. The study analyses intergenerational interactions within and across migrant families in the city and on transformations of intra-familial relations in the context of forced displace-ment. A particular emphasis is placed on the experiences of young adults who were born and raised in Côte d’Ivoire and arrived in Burkina Faso for the first time during the Ivorian crisis. These young men and women were received with scepticism in Burkina Faso because of their perceived “Ivorian” upbringing, language, and behaviour and were forced to face new forms of stigmatisation and exclusion. At the same time, young migrants were able to exploit their labelling as outsiders and turn their difference into an advantage in the competition for scarce employment opportunities and social connections.

In the period 1999-2007, more than half a million Burkinabe returned to Burkina Faso due to the persecution of immigrant labourers in neighbouring Côte d’Ivoire. Ultranationalist debates about the criteria for Ivorian citizenship had intensified during the 1990s and led to the scapegoating of immigrants in a political rhetoric centred on notions of autochthony and xenophobia. Having been actively encouraged to immigrate by the Ivorian state for generations, Burkinabe migrant labourers were now forced to leave their homes and livelihoods behind and return to a country they had left in their youth or, as second-generation immigrants in Côte d’Ivoire, had never seen. Based on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Burkina Faso and Côte d’Ivoire, the thesis explores the narratives and everyday practices of returning labour migrants in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso’s second-largest city, in order to understand the subjective experiences of displacement that the forced return to Burkina Faso engendered. The analysis questions the appropriateness of the very notion of “return” in this context and suggests that people’s senses of home are multiplex and tend to rely more on the ability to pursue active processes of emplacement in everyday life than on abstract notions of belonging, e.g. relating to citizenship or ethnicity. The study analyses intergenerational interactions within and across migrant families in the city and on transformations of intra-familial relations in the context of forced displace-ment. A particular emphasis is placed on the experiences of young adults who were born and raised in Côte d’Ivoire and arrived in Burkina Faso for the first time during the Ivorian crisis. These young men and women were received with scepticism in Burkina Faso because of their perceived “Ivorian” upbringing, language, and behaviour and were forced to face new forms of stigmatisation and exclusion. At the same time, young migrants were able to exploit their labelling as outsiders and turn their difference into an advantage in the competition for scarce employment opportunities and social connections.

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L'espace baltique est souvent cité comme l’archétype d’un espace transnational construit par des réseaux. Depuis la chute du Rideau de fer, les acteurs locaux et européens ont régulièrement convoqué le passé fantasmé de la Hanse médiévale, une association de marchands créée au XIIe siècle, afin d’établir une prétendue unité de la région. Davantage que la volonté de rapprocher des territoires avant tout concurrents, l'existence d'une multitude de forums baltiques traduit surtout la difficile adaptation des acteurs locaux à de nouvelles dynamiques relevant de la mondialisation économique et de l'européanisation politique. Depuis les années 1980, marquées par une recomposition du rôle des États, les autorités municipales ont la possibilité de mener une politique internationale plus autonome et de porter leurs actions à des niveaux inédits. Encore faut-il que les municipalités concernées disposent d'une masse critique suffisante et d'une localisation avantageuse. Les réseaux de villes forment un espace intermédiaire permettant aux territoires périphériques de l'espace baltique de développer des stratégies dans et avec les niveaux géographiques. Il n'existe pas un seul modèle de recomposition interterritoriale mais une multitude de stratégies et de parcours, dont l'espace baltique, traversé de nombreuses discontinuités, peut témoigner. Au-delà d'une géopolitique classique centrée sur les relations interétatiques, l'étude des municipalités riveraines invite à considérer la diversité des modèles d'inscription dans des dynamiques mondiales et européennes qui ne constituent pas des processus linéaires et monolithiques. / The Baltic Sea area is often quoted as the archetype of a transnational space achieved through networks. Since the fall of the Iron Curtain, local and European stakeholders have frequently relied on the fantasized history of the Hanseatic League, a mediaeval association of merchants created in the 12th century, in order to foster the idea of a unified region. Rather than a desire to bring together territories that are essentially rivals, the existence of numerous Baltic forums suggests the difficulty local stakeholders have in adapting to the new dynamics of economic globalization and political Europeanization. Since the 1980s, a period that was characterized by a change in the role of States, city authorities have been able to launch more autonomous international policies and extend the scope of their actions to unprecedented levels, the condition being that the cities in question have a sufficient critical mass and enjoy an attractive location. City networks make up an intermediary space allowing the territories bordering the Baltic Sea to develop strategies within and together with various geographical levels. With its many disparities, the Baltic Sea area exemplifies not one single model of rescaling, but a vast number of inter-territorial strategies and approaches. Beyond classical geopolitics based on inter-state relations, the study of the cities bordering the Baltic Sea leads to the idea that there is a great variety of ways in which they participate in both global and European dynamics that are not linear or monolithic processes.