Thesis advisor: David Deese / Given the current political environment in the US, there is great doubt about the future of American policy on climate change. Still, the optimistic future of American climate policy relies on the new group of leaders that have emerged from municipal government. Although local government is traditionally ignored in favor of the publicity of international negotiations between countries, cities have established a role at the forefront of climate policy over the past ten years. These local governments serve half of the world’s population and often are extremely vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, making their contributions more important than ever. Although they face a unique set of difficulties, cities are able to take a range of actions impossible at higher levels of government, reaching communities in unprecedented ways and innovating new policies. This project aims to analyze how local governments fit into the global political regime on climate change, testing the theoretical framework of multilevel governance against reallife examples in Boston and New York City. Further, this paper finds that cities compensate for their relatively small size and limited jurisdiction through a unique set of actions and collaborative relationships, enabling these local actors to become international leaders on this complex global issue.. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: . / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Environmental Studies.

This dissertation is a quantitative study of the spatial business strategies of 130 late medieval and 16th-century European commercial and banking firms, the business networks of which have been put together for a structural analysis of the European city network between ca. 1300 and ca. 1600. Concretely this investigation has been carried out through the application of an interlocking network model – specifically developed for the study of the present-day global city network produced by the office networks of business service firms – to this historical case study, in order to challenge predominantly hierarchical conceptualisations of city networks which are often influenced by central place theory. After a methodological section, in which solutions are designed for reconciling the geographical model with the particularities of historical research, a first part of the analysis focuses on agency within the network, identifying and reconstructing the multiple spatial strategies used by the different agents. In a second part the overall structure and dynamics in the network are investigated, revealing the operation of Christaller's traffic principle, as well as a cyclical variation in emphasis on continental and maritime nodes within the European city network. More generally, this study demonstrates that the functioning of dynamic transnational networks based upon complementarity and cooperation rather than competition is not limited to our contemporary globalised world, but can also be found in particular historical societies.

Disruptions due to either natural or anthropogenic hazards significantly impact the operation of critical infrastructure networks because they may instigate network-level cascade (i.e., systemic) risks. Therefore, quantifying and enhancing the resilience of such complex dynamically evolving networks ensure minimizing the possibility and consequences of systemic risks. Focusing only on robustness, as one of the key resilience attributes, and on transportation networks, key critical infrastructure, the current study develops a hybrid complex network theoretic-genetic algorithms analysis approach. To demonstrate the developed approach, the robustness of a city transportation network is quantified by integrating complex network theoretic topology measures with a dynamic flow redistribution model. The network robustness is subsequently investigated under different operational measures and the corresponding absorptive capacity thresholds are quantified. Finally, the robustness of the network under different failure scenarios is evaluated using genetic algorithms coupled with k-means clustering to classify the different network components. The hybrid approach developed in the current study is expected to facilitate optimizing potential systemic risk mitigation strategies for critical infrastructure networks under disruptive events. / Thesis / Master of Applied Science (MASc)

No description available.

O Acordo de Paris, que estabelece o compromisso das Nações para o enfrentamento às mudanças climáticas, foi ratificado por 133 países em prazo recorde 4 meses depois de sua adoção em dezembro de 2015 com regras que começam a valer a partir de 2020. Ao longo dos mais de vinte anos durante os quais ocorreram as negociações, governos locais do mundo todo estiveram sempre presentes, por meio das redes transnacionais de cidades (RTCs), principalmente o ICLEI. Este trabalho visa avaliar a participação de municipalidades brasileiras na governança global do clima (GGC) por meio de sua associação a RTCs, e, compreender qual o papel dessas redes na agenda climática de governos locais no Brasil. Ao analisar a ação paradiplomática de metrópoles brasileiras selecionadas e seus resultados, investiga-se sua contribuição para os esforços de mitigação do Brasil, na abordagem de governança multinível global do clima. A pesquisa leva em conta a perspectiva de atores relevantes e a prática da ação local pelo clima, para investigar a governança global do clima ocorrendo na escala subnacional, no âmbito de metrópoles brasileiras. Esses atores de interesse (stakeholders) que interagem nas diferentes esferas de governo pertencem a setores governamentais e não-governamentais, integrando a governança multinível (GMN) do clima. A análise concentra-se na atuação de metrópoles brasileiras, em particular Belo Horizonte e São Paulo, por sua escala e representatividade na economia do país, além de sua atuação pioneira no tema. As cidades brasileiras investigadas neste trabalho demonstram compreender a relevância das ações climáticas para a gestão urbana e, sua inserção na GGC por meio das redes transnacionais e em colaboração com o Governo Federal. Seus gestores e empreendedores políticos estabelecem prioridades compatíveis com a realidade de seus municípios, sem deixar de perceber os benefícios da atuação internacional em rede. Embora esse engajamento nem sempre seja espontâneo, tende a perdurar, impulsionado pela percepção dos benefícios e pelo incentivo das redes. A participação de municípios na agenda climática do Brasil ainda é limitada pelo sistema federativo e pela concentração de recursos no nível federal. A melhor oportunidade para que as cidades se insiram na agenda do clima é por meio de sua atuação nas associações e redes nacionais, como a Frente Nacional dos Prefeitos (FNP) e o Fórum de secretários de meio ambiente das capitais brasileiras (CB27). A expectativa é que o papel dos municípios seja melhor compreendido e sua contribuição seja integrada à governança climática do Brasil a partir da implementação de suas NDCs. Para tanto, será preciso superar as dificuldades técnicas e políticas que desafiam a governança do país, em geral. / The Paris Agreement that establishes commitments for nations to address climate change was ratified by 133 countries in an unprecedented four-month period after its adoption in December 2015.Rules will apply beginning in 2020. During the almost twenty years of climate negotiations, local governments have always been present by way of the transnational networks of cities, particularly ICLEI. This research aims to assess the participation of Brazilian cities in global climate governance (GCG) through their engagement in transnational city networks (TCNs), and to understand the role of TNCs in the climate agenda of local governments in Brazil. Furthermore, the investigation on paradiplomatic activities of these metropoles aims to determine their contribution to Brazil´s mitigation efforts, from a multilevel governance approach. This research considers stakeholders´ perspective and local climate action to investigate GCG at subnational scale in Brazilian metropolises. Stakeholders from governmental and nongovernmental institutions interact in different spheres of government, thus integrating multilevel climate governance. Analysis focuses on the activities of Brazilian metropolises, especially Belo Horizonte and São Paulo, due to their scale and economic status in the country, besides being pioneers in climate action. Brazilian cities in this study understand the relevance of climate action to urban management, and their participation in GCG through engagement with TCNs, while collaborating with Federal Government. Managers and political entrepreneurs establish climate action priorities consistent with their municipalities´ context, at the same time being aware of the benefits of TCNs participation. Even though their engagement isn´t often spontaneous, it tends to last, encouraged by the networks, and by their own perception about the benefits. Municipal participation in agenda setting in Brazil is still restricted by the federative model and financial resource concentration at the federal level. Cities´ best opportunity for inclusion in Brazil´s climate governance is to act through national associations of municipalities, such as the National Mayors Front (FNP) and the forum of municipal environment authorities of Brazilian capital cities, CB27. It is expected that the role of municipalities will be better understood, and that their contribution will be integrated to climate governance in the implementation of Brazil´s NDCs. To attain this goal, it will be necessary to overcome technical and political difficulties in general challenging the country.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar se a cooperação internacional descentralizada via redes de articulação institucional de cidades traz impactos nas políticas locais de direitos humanos. Para isso, foi realizado estudo de caso específico sobre a relação da rede Cidades e Governos Locais Unidos (CGLU) - e sua Comissão de Inclusão Social, Democracia Participativa e Direitos Humanos (CISDPDH) - com a Prefeitura de São Paulo (PMSP) - e sua Secretaria Municipal de Direitos Humanos e Cidadania (SMDHC) -, durante a gestão do Prefeito Fernando Haddad (2013-2016). O estudo foi elaborado tanto por meio da revisão bibliográfica sobre ação internacional de governos locais, cooperação descentralizada, redes de cidades e direitos humanos nas cidades, como pela análise de relatórios e documentos da CGLU e da PMSP e entrevistas com atores-chave. Verificou-se, então, que a CGLU não tem como foco de sua atuação a cooperação descentralizada em si, mas o advocacy pela incidência dos governos locais na arena internacional. Esse perfil é então refletido nas atividades de sua Comissão de Direitos Humanos, que ficam centradas também ao advocacy, sobretudo, de agendas ligadas ao direito à cidade. Assim, não são evidentes os efeitos concretos e diretos que a participação na CGLU pode trazer de fato às políticas públicas de suas cidades-membro. No que diz respeito à Prefeitura de São Paulo, verificou-se que, a partir da retomada de adesão à CGLU esperava-se seu protagonismo político na rede, o que não ocorreu. Como a CGLU mostrou ser uma rede essencialmente política, a baixa atuação de uma cidade-membro neste aspecto, como foi a de São Paulo, acabou por limitar ainda mais os próprios benefícios que a PMSP poderia apreender de sua participação na rede, reduzindo-se também as possibilidades de haver algum impacto significativo em sua política pública municipal de direitos humanos. / The aim of this dissertation is to analyze whether decentralized international cooperation through networks of institutional articulation of cities has impacts on local human rights policies. For that, a specific case study was carried out on the relationship between the United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) network - and its Committee on Social Inclusion, Participatory Democracy and Human Rights (CISDPDH) - and São Paulo City Hall (PMSP) - and its Municipal Secretariat for Human Rights and Citizenship (SMDHC) -, during the administration of Mayor Fernando Haddad (2013-2016). The research was developed through the bibliographic review on international action of local governments, decentralized cooperation, city networks and human rights in the cities; as well as through the analysis of UCLG\'s and PMSP\'s reports and documents and also interviews with key actors. It was then verified that UCLG does not focus its action on decentralized cooperation itself, but on advocacy for the incidence of local governments in the international arena. This profile is then reflected in the activities of its Human Rights Committee, which are also focused on the advocacy, mainly of agendas related to the right to the city. Thus, the concrete and direct effects that participation in UCLG can actually bring to the public policies of its member cities are not evident. With regard to São Paulo City Hall, it was verified that, since the resumption of its adhesion to UCLG, it was expected its political protagonism in the network, which did not actually occurred. As UCLG proved to be, in essence, a political network, the low performance of a member city in this respect, such as it was São Paulo\'s, ended up limiting even more the benefits that PMSP could have from its participation in the network, also reducing the possibilities of having some significant impact on its municipal public policy of human rights.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar se a cooperação internacional descentralizada via redes de articulação institucional de cidades traz impactos nas políticas locais de direitos humanos. Para isso, foi realizado estudo de caso específico sobre a relação da rede Cidades e Governos Locais Unidos (CGLU) - e sua Comissão de Inclusão Social, Democracia Participativa e Direitos Humanos (CISDPDH) - com a Prefeitura de São Paulo (PMSP) - e sua Secretaria Municipal de Direitos Humanos e Cidadania (SMDHC) -, durante a gestão do Prefeito Fernando Haddad (2013-2016). O estudo foi elaborado tanto por meio da revisão bibliográfica sobre ação internacional de governos locais, cooperação descentralizada, redes de cidades e direitos humanos nas cidades, como pela análise de relatórios e documentos da CGLU e da PMSP e entrevistas com atores-chave. Verificou-se, então, que a CGLU não tem como foco de sua atuação a cooperação descentralizada em si, mas o advocacy pela incidência dos governos locais na arena internacional. Esse perfil é então refletido nas atividades de sua Comissão de Direitos Humanos, que ficam centradas também ao advocacy, sobretudo, de agendas ligadas ao direito à cidade. Assim, não são evidentes os efeitos concretos e diretos que a participação na CGLU pode trazer de fato às políticas públicas de suas cidades-membro. No que diz respeito à Prefeitura de São Paulo, verificou-se que, a partir da retomada de adesão à CGLU esperava-se seu protagonismo político na rede, o que não ocorreu. Como a CGLU mostrou ser uma rede essencialmente política, a baixa atuação de uma cidade-membro neste aspecto, como foi a de São Paulo, acabou por limitar ainda mais os próprios benefícios que a PMSP poderia apreender de sua participação na rede, reduzindo-se também as possibilidades de haver algum impacto significativo em sua política pública municipal de direitos humanos. / The aim of this dissertation is to analyze whether decentralized international cooperation through networks of institutional articulation of cities has impacts on local human rights policies. For that, a specific case study was carried out on the relationship between the United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) network - and its Committee on Social Inclusion, Participatory Democracy and Human Rights (CISDPDH) - and São Paulo City Hall (PMSP) - and its Municipal Secretariat for Human Rights and Citizenship (SMDHC) -, during the administration of Mayor Fernando Haddad (2013-2016). The research was developed through the bibliographic review on international action of local governments, decentralized cooperation, city networks and human rights in the cities; as well as through the analysis of UCLG\'s and PMSP\'s reports and documents and also interviews with key actors. It was then verified that UCLG does not focus its action on decentralized cooperation itself, but on advocacy for the incidence of local governments in the international arena. This profile is then reflected in the activities of its Human Rights Committee, which are also focused on the advocacy, mainly of agendas related to the right to the city. Thus, the concrete and direct effects that participation in UCLG can actually bring to the public policies of its member cities are not evident. With regard to São Paulo City Hall, it was verified that, since the resumption of its adhesion to UCLG, it was expected its political protagonism in the network, which did not actually occurred. As UCLG proved to be, in essence, a political network, the low performance of a member city in this respect, such as it was São Paulo\'s, ended up limiting even more the benefits that PMSP could have from its participation in the network, also reducing the possibilities of having some significant impact on its municipal public policy of human rights.

O Acordo de Paris, que estabelece o compromisso das Nações para o enfrentamento às mudanças climáticas, foi ratificado por 133 países em prazo recorde 4 meses depois de sua adoção em dezembro de 2015 com regras que começam a valer a partir de 2020. Ao longo dos mais de vinte anos durante os quais ocorreram as negociações, governos locais do mundo todo estiveram sempre presentes, por meio das redes transnacionais de cidades (RTCs), principalmente o ICLEI. Este trabalho visa avaliar a participação de municipalidades brasileiras na governança global do clima (GGC) por meio de sua associação a RTCs, e, compreender qual o papel dessas redes na agenda climática de governos locais no Brasil. Ao analisar a ação paradiplomática de metrópoles brasileiras selecionadas e seus resultados, investiga-se sua contribuição para os esforços de mitigação do Brasil, na abordagem de governança multinível global do clima. A pesquisa leva em conta a perspectiva de atores relevantes e a prática da ação local pelo clima, para investigar a governança global do clima ocorrendo na escala subnacional, no âmbito de metrópoles brasileiras. Esses atores de interesse (stakeholders) que interagem nas diferentes esferas de governo pertencem a setores governamentais e não-governamentais, integrando a governança multinível (GMN) do clima. A análise concentra-se na atuação de metrópoles brasileiras, em particular Belo Horizonte e São Paulo, por sua escala e representatividade na economia do país, além de sua atuação pioneira no tema. As cidades brasileiras investigadas neste trabalho demonstram compreender a relevância das ações climáticas para a gestão urbana e, sua inserção na GGC por meio das redes transnacionais e em colaboração com o Governo Federal. Seus gestores e empreendedores políticos estabelecem prioridades compatíveis com a realidade de seus municípios, sem deixar de perceber os benefícios da atuação internacional em rede. Embora esse engajamento nem sempre seja espontâneo, tende a perdurar, impulsionado pela percepção dos benefícios e pelo incentivo das redes. A participação de municípios na agenda climática do Brasil ainda é limitada pelo sistema federativo e pela concentração de recursos no nível federal. A melhor oportunidade para que as cidades se insiram na agenda do clima é por meio de sua atuação nas associações e redes nacionais, como a Frente Nacional dos Prefeitos (FNP) e o Fórum de secretários de meio ambiente das capitais brasileiras (CB27). A expectativa é que o papel dos municípios seja melhor compreendido e sua contribuição seja integrada à governança climática do Brasil a partir da implementação de suas NDCs. Para tanto, será preciso superar as dificuldades técnicas e políticas que desafiam a governança do país, em geral. / The Paris Agreement that establishes commitments for nations to address climate change was ratified by 133 countries in an unprecedented four-month period after its adoption in December 2015.Rules will apply beginning in 2020. During the almost twenty years of climate negotiations, local governments have always been present by way of the transnational networks of cities, particularly ICLEI. This research aims to assess the participation of Brazilian cities in global climate governance (GCG) through their engagement in transnational city networks (TCNs), and to understand the role of TNCs in the climate agenda of local governments in Brazil. Furthermore, the investigation on paradiplomatic activities of these metropoles aims to determine their contribution to Brazil´s mitigation efforts, from a multilevel governance approach. This research considers stakeholders´ perspective and local climate action to investigate GCG at subnational scale in Brazilian metropolises. Stakeholders from governmental and nongovernmental institutions interact in different spheres of government, thus integrating multilevel climate governance. Analysis focuses on the activities of Brazilian metropolises, especially Belo Horizonte and São Paulo, due to their scale and economic status in the country, besides being pioneers in climate action. Brazilian cities in this study understand the relevance of climate action to urban management, and their participation in GCG through engagement with TCNs, while collaborating with Federal Government. Managers and political entrepreneurs establish climate action priorities consistent with their municipalities´ context, at the same time being aware of the benefits of TCNs participation. Even though their engagement isn´t often spontaneous, it tends to last, encouraged by the networks, and by their own perception about the benefits. Municipal participation in agenda setting in Brazil is still restricted by the federative model and financial resource concentration at the federal level. Cities´ best opportunity for inclusion in Brazil´s climate governance is to act through national associations of municipalities, such as the National Mayors Front (FNP) and the forum of municipal environment authorities of Brazilian capital cities, CB27. It is expected that the role of municipalities will be better understood, and that their contribution will be integrated to climate governance in the implementation of Brazil´s NDCs. To attain this goal, it will be necessary to overcome technical and political difficulties in general challenging the country.

L'espace baltique est souvent cité comme l’archétype d’un espace transnational construit par des réseaux. Depuis la chute du Rideau de fer, les acteurs locaux et européens ont régulièrement convoqué le passé fantasmé de la Hanse médiévale, une association de marchands créée au XIIe siècle, afin d’établir une prétendue unité de la région. Davantage que la volonté de rapprocher des territoires avant tout concurrents, l'existence d'une multitude de forums baltiques traduit surtout la difficile adaptation des acteurs locaux à de nouvelles dynamiques relevant de la mondialisation économique et de l'européanisation politique. Depuis les années 1980, marquées par une recomposition du rôle des États, les autorités municipales ont la possibilité de mener une politique internationale plus autonome et de porter leurs actions à des niveaux inédits. Encore faut-il que les municipalités concernées disposent d'une masse critique suffisante et d'une localisation avantageuse. Les réseaux de villes forment un espace intermédiaire permettant aux territoires périphériques de l'espace baltique de développer des stratégies dans et avec les niveaux géographiques. Il n'existe pas un seul modèle de recomposition interterritoriale mais une multitude de stratégies et de parcours, dont l'espace baltique, traversé de nombreuses discontinuités, peut témoigner. Au-delà d'une géopolitique classique centrée sur les relations interétatiques, l'étude des municipalités riveraines invite à considérer la diversité des modèles d'inscription dans des dynamiques mondiales et européennes qui ne constituent pas des processus linéaires et monolithiques. / The Baltic Sea area is often quoted as the archetype of a transnational space achieved through networks. Since the fall of the Iron Curtain, local and European stakeholders have frequently relied on the fantasized history of the Hanseatic League, a mediaeval association of merchants created in the 12th century, in order to foster the idea of a unified region. Rather than a desire to bring together territories that are essentially rivals, the existence of numerous Baltic forums suggests the difficulty local stakeholders have in adapting to the new dynamics of economic globalization and political Europeanization. Since the 1980s, a period that was characterized by a change in the role of States, city authorities have been able to launch more autonomous international policies and extend the scope of their actions to unprecedented levels, the condition being that the cities in question have a sufficient critical mass and enjoy an attractive location. City networks make up an intermediary space allowing the territories bordering the Baltic Sea to develop strategies within and together with various geographical levels. With its many disparities, the Baltic Sea area exemplifies not one single model of rescaling, but a vast number of inter-territorial strategies and approaches. Beyond classical geopolitics based on inter-state relations, the study of the cities bordering the Baltic Sea leads to the idea that there is a great variety of ways in which they participate in both global and European dynamics that are not linear or monolithic processes.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-10-05T12:07:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mayara Pinheiro Fortes.pdf: 1992983 bytes, checksum: facfc2ec74424449543e39da62aa36a8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-05T12:07:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mayara Pinheiro Fortes.pdf: 1992983 bytes, checksum: facfc2ec74424449543e39da62aa36a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-31 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The present thesis displays the results of research made on the activity of SINPROESEMMA – Union of Maranhão State‘s Workers in Public Basic Education from State and City Networks -, based on their political, economic and corporative struggle, since Flavio Dino´s (PCdoB) winning campaign to the government of Maranhao, 2014. The research relies on the theory that the union structure of State drives the political activity of the unions; include those from the middle class. In that sense, the analysis from Sinproesemma‘s activity considers: 1) the reform in the unionist structure during Lula´s administration, encompassing Sinproesemma´s operation in light of that structure; 2) the 2017´s Labor Reform. Flavio Dino‘s election represented the end, on the state level, of the oligarchic cycle known as sarneyismo, thus unleashing a new moment on Maranhão‘s education – one that impacted both the union‘s activity and the teacher‘s base on the state as a whole. This work outlines an analysis of policies undertaken by a PCdoB administration, particularly on the behalf of the implementation of educational policies, as well as those from a teacher´s union which board is predominantly led by that party / Esta dissertação apresenta os resultados de uma pesquisa sobre a atuação do SINPROESEMMA – Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação Básica das Redes Públicas Estadual e Municipais do estado do Maranhão -, a partir de suas lutas econômico-corporativas e política, desde a vitoriosa campanha eleitoral de Flávio Dino (PCdoB) para governador, em 2014. A pesquisa parte da perspectiva teórica de que a estrutura sindical de Estado é condicionante da atividade política dos trabalhadores; inclusive os de classe média. Neste sentido, a análise da atuação do SINPROESEMMA leva em conta: 1) a reforma da estrutura sindical durante o governo Lula, perpassando a atuação do Sinproesemma à luz dessa estrutura; 2) a reforma trabalhista de 2017. A eleição de Flávio Dino marcou o fim de um longo ciclo oligárquico (o sarneyismo) nos governos estaduais, e também abre um novo momento para a educação do Maranhão, com impactos na atuação do sindicato e em sua base docente. Aqui se esboça a análise das práticas de um governo dirigido pelo PCdoB, particularmente, no que diz respeito à implementação de políticas educacionais, e de um sindicato docente cuja direção a presença deste partido é predominante