Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010. / Thesis Advisor(s): Knopf, Jeffrey ; Kadhim, Abbas. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 26, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Middle East, Foreign Policy, United States, Engagement, Positive incentives, Negative incentives, Iranian arms control, International relations, Strategic Studies, Sanctions. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-69). Also available in print.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Western Hemisphere))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010. / Thesis Advisor(s): Velazques, Arturo C. Sotomayor. Second Reader: Trinkunas, Harold A. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: U.S.-Mexico Relations, Civilian Control, Civil-Military Relations, International Relations Theory, Bilateral Affairs, Military Cooperation. Includes bibliographical references (p. 49-53). Also available in print.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [82]-85).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Oregon State University, 2007. / Printout. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-133). Also available on the World Wide Web.

M.Comm. / This mini dissertation is a literature review that deals with trade liberalisation in the form of Regional Trade Agreements. It focuses on the importance of FDI for economic growth of developing countries. This study investigates ‘new regionalism’ critically. New regionalism suggests that economic growth may be possible if developing countries form trading blocs, which partner with a larger economy and engage in policy reforms aimed at attracting FDI. The study concludes that a trading bloc may possibly attract FDI and create export and growth opportunities. However, the developing countries should be able to manage all aspects associated with REI. These aspects include the negative effects of trade diversion, the impact of adjustment costs, and the administrative requirements of managing RoO in the landscape of highly proliferated RTAs. In addition, FDI will only result in the required growth if the developing economy is able to absorb and assimilate the new technologies and production methods FDI is expected to bring to its shores. Moreover, the FDI should be targeted so as to develop industries of comparative advantage. In order to absorb these benefits a high level of skilled labour is required as well as support structures to assist with training and development of the labour force. In addition, new rules under the WTO is restrictive in the latitude it allows developing countries to assimilate the production methods and technologies of MNCs. The research concludes that careful planning and policy development is required prior to REI if it is to have a hope of succeeding in its goals.

Since World War II, states have negotiated a staggering number of bilateral and multilateral international agreements. Despite that fact, scholars of international relations and international law have only recently begun to take the idea that these agreements can have important influences on domestic policies and international affairs seriously. This dissertation is comprised of five essays that all try to do exactly that, and hopefully in the process, help improve our understanding of the influence of bilateral and multilateral international agreements on state behavior. The first three essays examine compliance with the laws of war and international human rights treaties. Chapter 2 shows that prior ratification of treaties on the laws of war is a strong predictor that a country will be less likely to kill civilians during intrastate wars, and suggest that there may be a causal relationship between ratification and lower levels of mass violence against civilians for transitioning democracies. Chapter 3 conducts a randomized survey experiment to test whether information on the status of international law changes public opinion on violations of the laws of war, and produces results showing that international law does change public opinion—especially when the other side has committed to following the laws of war. Chapter 4 uses a randomized experiment to test the theory that domestic politics drives compliance with human rights treaties, and demonstrates that whether the United States has previously ratified international human rights treaties has the potential to change public opinion on purely domestic policies. The final two essays examine the United States’ policies in two areas of international economic law. Chapter 5 (with Rachel Brewster) explores the United States’ compliance with adverse WTO decisions, and argues that the largest determinant of if, and when, America complies is whether Congress is required to act to provide the remedy. Finally, Chapter 6 uses a range of evidence to argue that the United States’ Bilateral Investment Treaty program has not been primarily motivated by a desire to provide protections for American investors abroad, but instead it has been a tool to improve relationships with developing states. / Government

In Sparrow, the Supreme Court of Canada stated that ss. 35(1) is “a solemn commitment that must be given meaningful content” the objective of which is to ensure that Aboriginal rights “are taken seriously.” Despite such a clear directive from the highest court, in Manitoba Métis Federation v. Canada [2007], MacInnes J. of the Queen’s Bench of Manitoba seemed incapable of taking seriously the Aboriginal title of the Métis under s. 31 of the Manitoba Act, 1870, and in no way thought of its explicit recognition as ‘a solemn commitment that must be given meaningful content’. For his part, if Scott C.J. of the Manitoba Court of Appeal was able to find a ‘cognizable Aboriginal interest’ in the expression ‘Indian title’, and thereby recognize to some extent Métis Aboriginal rights, he seemed incapable of conceiving such interests as title. This thesis is basically an attempt to ‘take seriously’ the common law Aboriginal title of the Métis. In order to do so, it first looks at the treatment of the concept of Indian title and the Royal Proclamation, 1763, in the lower courts throughout the infamous St. Catharine’s Milling and Lumber case. Subsequently, the existing common law doctrines of inherent Métis rights, those of the derivative rights doctrine, the empty box doctrine and the distinct Aboriginal people doctrine are all found to be inadequate to the task of providing cogency to the ‘constitutional imperative’ that was evoked in Powley. A fourth doctrine is therefore proposed, that of a Métis Autochthonous or Indigenous rights doctrine. In light of this, it is argued that the recognition of the ‘Indian’ title in s. 31 was not a mere ‘political expediency’ but is rooted in the underlying constitutional principle of the protection of minorities. Furthermore, insofar as the ‘Indian’ title of the Métis is taken seriously, it can be seen as having been extinguished through the federal power over ‘lands reserved for Indians’ under ss. 91(24). The legal implication is that they were, in the logic of the times, basically enfranchised ‘Indians’. Finally, by applying the grid established in Sioui for determining the existence of a ‘treaty’, it is argued that s. 31 is a ‘treaty’ or land claims settlement within the meaning of s. 35.

Repression is the expected response to anti-government protest; however, leaders can also accommodate demonstrators. Committing to human rights treaties is considered in this environment, where treaty commitments are conceptualized as a policy concession that leaders can grant dissenters. Past research has shown that top-down domestic pressures, such as new democratic regimes, can influence treaty commitments. This article extends this line of research by considering the influence of bottom-up domestic pressure, arguing that nonviolent, pro-democracy movements can pressure leaders into concessions, as these movements are risky to repress but threatening to ignore. Leaders are expected to seek ‘cheap’ accommodations, and commitments to human rights treaties provide a relatively low-cost concession that also addresses demonstrators’ pro-democracy demands. Using commitments to the nine core UN human rights treaties, results are generally supportive. Governments experiencing a nonviolent, pro-democracy movement are consistently likely to sign human rights treaties. Ratification is also likely but in more limited contexts, and is more closely related to movement success. This suggests that bottom-up pressures can influence commitment to human rights treaties, but there may be little substance behind those concessions. The status quo and cost-averse preferences of leaders lead them to grant accommodations that result in minimal change and cost.

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