Thesis--Uppsala. / Bibliography: p. [xi]-xx.

Thesis (M.A.)--Villanova University, 2006. / Political Science Dept. Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis aims to address how the strategic partnership between Russia and China is affected by the absence of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, also known as the I.N.F. Treaty. Through historical evidence of the strategic partnership, along with various balancing theories, this thesis presents the argument that American abrogation of the I.N.F. Treaty would result in strengthened relations between Russia and China if the United States deploys intermediate-range nuclear weapons to the Pacific. Without U.S. deployment, however, the Russian-Sino strategic partnership will likely remain undisturbed. / Master of Arts / The purpose of this thesis is to examine the strategic partnership between Russia and China in the absence of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, also known as the I.N.F. Treaty. This thesis presents the argument that American abrogation of the I.N.F. Treaty would result in strengthened relations between Russia and China if the United States deploys intermediate-range nuclear weapons to the Pacific. Without U.S. deployment, however, the Russian-Sino strategic partnership will likely remain undisturbed.

ABSTRACT The purpose of this thesis is to assess the Crown’s Constitutional duty of consultation and its application on the holders of Treaty rights. Indigenous legal and Constitutional orders are the underpinning of the consensual Treaties. They were negotiated by sovereign nations through mutual consent and established a distinct Constitutional authority establishing rights, responsibilities and rules of coexistence. Their implementation is a Crown Constitutional obligation. This thesis argues that the duty to consult jurisprudence reveals systemic colonial problems in the common law Treaty rights paradigm by colonial interpretation, unilateral abridgement and justified infringement of the consensual Treaty. Further, judicial and politically created doctrines of the honour of the Crown and reconciliation are rendered meaningless when used as part of the ongoing colonial paradigm and abridgement of Treaties. This thesis argues that Canada must enter a post-colonial era by giving content to Indigenous legal and Constitutional orders by implementing Treaty through Treaty Constitutionalism. This requires Canada to undertake a Constitutional paradigm shift to accord the sacred and inviolable Treaties their proper place as foundational instruments in the building of Canada. This means, as well, that the only forum for proper consultation on the numbered Treaties is through Constitutional conferences with full and equal participation of Treaty First Nations.

According to W̱SÁNEĆ oral history, the W̱SÁNEĆ people have lived on their territorial homelands back to the time of creation. The W̱SÁNEĆ way of life has been passed on to each succeeding generation through an educational way, centered in large part on the W̱SÁNEĆ Reef Net Fishery. This fishing practice formed the backbone of W̱SÁNEĆ culture and society. Despite being protected by the Douglas Treaty of 1852, over the next 163 years of colonization, the knowledge, ceremony, practice, and educational way of the SX̱OLE (Reef Net) was nearly lost. Using a framework for Indigenous Resurgence, this dissertātiō or path focuses on the revitalization and restoration of the SX̱OLE. This resurgent path described herein tells the story of how the “researcher” pulled together the disappearing knowledge of the SX̱OLE, reinvigorated cross border cooperation between the W̱SÁNEĆ and their Xwelemi relatives, and how after being named ȻWENÁLYEN, or the Reef Net Captain through ceremony was able to coordinate the community based creation and fishing of the first SX̱OLE on Canadian waters in 100 years. This resurgent path is just the beginning of a long and endless journey forward by looking backward, where the W̱SÁNEĆ people can be a proud people of the SX̱OLE once again. / Graduate

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Negotiated settlements, formal treaties to unilateral cease-fires, are often accepted to be the preferable method to end war. When negotiated agreements are used in the normal business of international politics they can be potentially helpful devices; however, when they are relied upon for a nation's security or war prevention and conclusion they can prove disastrous. It is the presence of force variables, and not the formality of an agreement which effectively concludes a war. I recategorize success of an agreement to not only mean failure of a return to war, but also whether the tenets of an agreement are actually followed. I utilize a modified version of Fortna's conflict dataset and run three separate logit analyses to test the effectiveness of settlements in a medium n quantitative analysis. If politicians and policy makers realize that it is not treaties that establish peace but the costs of war and military might then perhaps the world will be a more peaceful place.