Pays fragile par excellence, le Tchad, dont le niveau de développement est parmi le plus bas au monde, pourrait se résumer par la formule d’Helman et Ratner utilisée dans leur article Failed States paru en 1994, comme un État « simplement incapables de fonctionner en tant qu’entités indépendantes ».Alors pourquoi a-t-il demandé le retrait de la MINURCAT, la mission de sécurisation européenne et onusienne déployée sur son sol en 2008. Nous postulons que la conséquence négative de la relation entre ces deux acteurs, matérialisée par l’exclusion de la MINURCAT, est à chercher dans une étude de la nature des espaces de rencontre et leurs effets, directs ou indirects, sur le Tchad. En effet, cette thèse met l’accent sur le caractère systémique du lien social entre le Tchad et les Nations unies et entend ainsi catégoriser les espaces de mise en relation comme un système à trois variables : la socialisation, l’éloignement et la rupture. L’analyse de la rencontre en termes de « spatialité » permet l’étude du lien entre « les temps et les lieux symboliques de l’interaction », qui donne la possibilité d’établir les motivations d’agir et les modes de formulation. Ces derniers consacrent l’établissement d’un nouveau langage : celui de la revendication d’une souveraineté qui ne soit pas de façade et de sa reconnaissance par la communauté internationale. Il conviendra d’étudier, d’une part, la formation progressive de cet espace de jugement et, d’autre part, la volonté manifeste de contrer le déni de reconnaissance qui permet au Tchad d’achever son rapport à sa souveraineté. / Fragile state, Chad, which level of development is among the world’s lowest, could be defined in Helman and Ratner’s words as " simply unable to work as independent entity ", as described in their article Failed States published in 1994. Than why did he asked for the withdrawal of the MINURCAT, the European and UN military mission, deployed in 2008? We acknowledge that the negative impact of the relation between these two actors, shown in the exclusion of the MINURCAT, can be explained studying the nature of the “encountering spheres” and their effects, both direct and indirect on Chad. Indeed, this thesis emphasizes on the systemic character of the social link between Chad and the United Nations and therefore intends to categorize the spaces of getting in touch as a three variable system: the socialization, the estrangement and the break. The analysis of the meeting in terms of "spatiality" allows the study of the link between "time and symbolic spheres of the interaction ", which gives enables to establish the incentives to act and the ways of formulation. The latters establish the terms of a new speech based on the claim for a sovereignty which would not be a sovereignty of facade and its recognition by the international community. We will study, on the one hand, the gradual formation of such a space of assessment and, on the other hand, the will to counter the denial of recognition which allows Chad to complete its relationship to its own sovereignty.

<p>UN is a non-governmental organization which should promote gender equality within the organization. It is an organization which is based on human rights and claims that in order to solve the problem of poverty, famine and development we need to promote women’s status. In Sweden there is a strong tradition of gender balanced representation at the governmental level and this perspective raise the question if there is a spill-over effect to the civil society as in the case of a non-governmental organization. This makes it interesting to look at if a non-governmental organization which is not under state control work for gender equality within their own organization. What does the gender equality pattern look like in a sphere that is not controlled by the government? Does it work by itself? The main purpose of this thesis is therefore to examine opinions about the gender balance within the Swedish UN-movement.</p><p> In order to understand and analyse the gender equality context within UN, interwievs with chairmens for each UN-district in Sweden was conducted and it was found that there was no active promotion of this issue within the organization. Instead, the survey showed that the promotion of gender equality issues was directed towards other societys. To a certain extent it was also shown that women’s understanding of UN as a gender equal organization was less prominent than men’s understanding. This thesis concluded therefore that gender equality does not work by itself in the civil sphere. Instead, it seems as if work for gender balance needs directive and control from the government in order to function. </p><p>Key words: Gender equality, FN, feminism, politics of presence, non-governmental organizations.</p>

L'interopérabilité des systèmes informatiques est un besoin important dans une société mondialisée où les entreprises tendent plus à communiquer et à intégrer leurs systèmes qu'à rester isolées. Cette notion implique de faire communiquer et de coordonner efficacement des systèmes qui souvent n'ont pas été conçus pour fonctionner ensemble. Afin d'obtenir l'interopérabilité, il s'avère donc toujours nécessaire de modifier les systèmes existants pour les intégrer dans un nouveau système, mais en réutilisant autant que possible les notions liées aux systèmes préexistants. Les langages de programmation, en tant qu'outils de construction de systèmes informatiques, jouent un rôle non négligeable dans les solutions aux problèmes d'interopérabilité, en particulier lorsque les systèmes ont été construits avec des langages différents. Les langages de programmation peuvent être considérés également comme des systèmes qui interopèrent grâce à des mécanismes spécifiques permettant aux programmes écrits dans les différents langages d'échanger des données et d'invoquer des algorithmes. Ces mécanismes sont appelés emph{interfaces à un langage étranger} (ILE). L'objectif de cette thèse est de définir théoriquement le concept de l'interopérabilité des langages de programmation et de proposer un cadre conceptuel pour étudier et spécifier des mécanismes d'interopérabilité, à partir de la combinaison systématique des sémantiques opérationnelles des langages. Notre cadre peut s'appliquer à la formalisation d'interfaces (ILE) existantes entre deux langages de programmation où l'un est implémenté dans l'autre, et à la conception de nouvelles interfaces entre langages de programmation qui ont des implémentations indépendantes. / Interoperability of computing systems is a real need in a ``global society' where most enterprises want to communicate and integrate their information systems. This concept implies to coordinate systems that were not designed at the start to work together. Hence, to obtain the interoperability, it is always necessary to modify the existing systems and integrate them into a new system, for which the concepts related to those legacy systems have been reused as most as possible. Programming languages are an essential tool for building computing systems, so they play a non negligible role in the solutions for interoperability, specially when systems have been built with different languages. We can also consider programming languages as interoperable systems that can work together by defining mechanisms that allow programs written in the different languages to exchange data and algorithm calls. Those mecanisms are incorportated into a {it foreign-language interface} (FLI). The main goal of this thesis is the definition of a conceptual framework for programming language interoperability. That framework is based on the systematic composition of the execution models of programming languages according to a mechanism for program interoperability. We use the formalism of structural operational semantics as the way to have precise descriptions of execution models of programming languages. Our framework can be used to describe existing interfaces (FLI) between two programming languages where one of the languages is implemented in the other language, and to design new interfaces for programming languages that have independent implementations.

UN is a non-governmental organization which should promote gender equality within the organization. It is an organization which is based on human rights and claims that in order to solve the problem of poverty, famine and development we need to promote women’s status. In Sweden there is a strong tradition of gender balanced representation at the governmental level and this perspective raise the question if there is a spill-over effect to the civil society as in the case of a non-governmental organization. This makes it interesting to look at if a non-governmental organization which is not under state control work for gender equality within their own organization. What does the gender equality pattern look like in a sphere that is not controlled by the government? Does it work by itself? The main purpose of this thesis is therefore to examine opinions about the gender balance within the Swedish UN-movement. In order to understand and analyse the gender equality context within UN, interwievs with chairmens for each UN-district in Sweden was conducted and it was found that there was no active promotion of this issue within the organization. Instead, the survey showed that the promotion of gender equality issues was directed towards other societys. To a certain extent it was also shown that women’s understanding of UN as a gender equal organization was less prominent than men’s understanding. This thesis concluded therefore that gender equality does not work by itself in the civil sphere. Instead, it seems as if work for gender balance needs directive and control from the government in order to function. Key words: Gender equality, FN, feminism, politics of presence, non-governmental organizations.

The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze two factors contributing to child labor in Ghana, one of the world's largest producers of cocoa. These two factors are: poor countries economic and political dependency on the rich countries, political leader’s ambitions and decisions. We will also describe and analyze the UN's efforts and measures to combat child labor. The method we used was a case study of child labor in Ghana‘s cocoa industry together with interviews. Questions to be answered were: How is poor countries economic and political dependency towards rich countries a contributing factor to child labor? How do political leader’s ambitions and decisions affect child labor? Despite UN efforts to combat child labor it does not diminish in some parts of the world such as West-Africa, why? The theories used were the Dependency Theory and Political Leadership Theory. Our results show that dependency theory can contribute to child labor. It does that because of colonialisms effects still are showing in poorer countries. This in turn leads to that children need to work to help their family economically. UN broad actions and measures to combat child labor did not help to reduce child labor. UN must specify its policies and actions in each country depending on what kind of child labor it is. Political leadership was important to ensure that child labor should decrease. The political leader should have understood the issue and ensured the protection of children under 15 from hazardous work, this by ensuring that there were laws that protected them, but also by accepting the United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child (UNCRC).

The chief purpose of this study is to develop a theoretical framework which can contribute to a broader theoretical understanding of the actions of the U.N. Security Council and its members. The framework rests upon a rationalistic foundation and it is set up with two different models of explanation; a first with focus on power and security and the second which is an institutional explanation. The framework is then applied on a case study in which the behavior of theUnited Statesand theUnited Kingdomin the Security Council are explained. The outcome of the paper is worth mentioning that the member nations have find the Security Council to be an important institution and that there is an apprehension of the precedential power of the institution. The study also points out that a permanent member is more likely to use its veto when there are strong national reasons of so doing. In general the developed theoretical framework seems to be well appropriate to explain states behavior in the Security Council and may provide a foundation for further theoretical studies on the subject.

The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.

No description available.

The purpose of this essay is to examine why some countries in the world decided to support Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008, while others did not. The essay is a type of case study, with Kosovo’s independence as the main focus. For the purpose of the essay, main focus will be on the United States of America, Russia, China and Serbia. The countries’ actions will be examined through the theoretical perspectives presented in the book Essence of Decision: Rational Actor Model, Organizational Behavior and Governmental Politics. The conclusion drawn is that countries put their own interests before the good of the international community, sometimes putting other countries at risk of conflict or war, to achieve their own goals. This can be seen in the cases of Russia and China especially, as they did not accept Kosovo’s independence partly because they have similar conflicts in their own states to that of Serbia’s with Kosovo.

In the early 21st Century Sweden’s daily press was full of articles of Asian migrant workers that was picking berries in the north of the country. It was reported that the pickers was exploited by the industry and that it was complete chaos in the berry forests and that no one wanted to take responsible for the situation. As one measurement the Swedish Board of Migration adopted guidelines of how to import work force. The guidelines had a positive effect. The guidelines, however, also created a new problem a now shifted focus to another group of pickers: migrant workers from poor member-states of the European Union. This research partly aims to find out who is the responsible for the situation and who can do something that can improve the situation. Further, the research aim to find out why so many Easter European chose Sweden as country to work in, and then if the Swedish Board of Migrations guidelines actual effect of the migration flow. As a part of a solution for the berry pickers a few organization stands out, namely the ones that a company can use to clean their name with if they connect themselves to. This research then also aim to understand to find out if those organizations can make a positive impact of the situation. Mainly daily press has been used as the main source to create a framework over the situation. The analysis is made from the statements found in the large share of different sources available, but also through Swedish rules, politicians and the workers and theories of migration. In order to put the situation in Sweden in a larger context, a comparison with Austria is made. The final conclusion of the research is somehow devastating. There is still a hassle to understand who can be put in charge of the wheel, but the aftermath is that in the end the actor with most power in the industry might be the consumer of the berries.