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Essa tese explora o efeito do comercio internacional sobre a proximidade dos países na Assembleia Geral da Organização das Nações Unidas. Utilizando a abordagem de variáveis instrumentais, para um banco de dados que vai de 1946 até 2012, mostramos que o aumento na interdependência comercial estaria associado à diminuição no alinhamento entre países na Assembleia Geral da Organização das Nações Unidas. Esses resultados são contra-intuitivos, pois a maior parte dos trabalhos em Economia Política Internacional demonstra que comércio está mais relacionado à cooperação que a conflito. O trabalho mostra que os resultados são robustos à diversas especificações e que eles tornam-se claros quando controlamos a possível causalidade reversa entre comércio e votações. Por fim, a discussão dos resultados enfatiza que os ganhos advindos do comércio fortalecem países na arena internacional. / This thesis explore the effect of trade interdependence over the countries alignments in the United Nations General Assembly. Using the instrumental variables approach, for a data set ranging from 1946 to 2012, we show that the more trade interdependence in time t the lower the countries alignment in t + 1. These results are counter intuitive, as most of the International Political Economy literature relates trade interdependence and cooperation positively. This work shows that this negative relation is robust to diverse specifications and becomes more consistent when the reverse causality is controlled. Finally, the discussion emphasizes that trade gains empower countries in the international arenas

The aim of the paper is to further discussion on legitimation in international fora, and to contribute to the scholarly debate on the role of the interpretation of the past in state actors’ legitimation. This is pursued by conducting a descriptive qualitative study of Israel’s justification of political claims by remembrance of the past in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly, between 2009-2017. In a theoretic framework that bridges legitimation theory and the theory of public memory, it is hypothesised that legitimation aid state actors to define national interests, identify threats, mobilize publics and perceive options. The results demonstrate that legitimation through referring to the past is employed by Israel for a wide variety of contemporary political issues, and that different aspects of the past are recalled for different issues. The conclusion is that legitimation through the remembered past seems to support the hypotheses of legitimation, and that Israel’s political leaders during the studied timespan appear to promote some parts of the past over others for justifying political stances.

Essa tese explora o efeito do comercio internacional sobre a proximidade dos países na Assembleia Geral da Organização das Nações Unidas. Utilizando a abordagem de variáveis instrumentais, para um banco de dados que vai de 1946 até 2012, mostramos que o aumento na interdependência comercial estaria associado à diminuição no alinhamento entre países na Assembleia Geral da Organização das Nações Unidas. Esses resultados são contra-intuitivos, pois a maior parte dos trabalhos em Economia Política Internacional demonstra que comércio está mais relacionado à cooperação que a conflito. O trabalho mostra que os resultados são robustos à diversas especificações e que eles tornam-se claros quando controlamos a possível causalidade reversa entre comércio e votações. Por fim, a discussão dos resultados enfatiza que os ganhos advindos do comércio fortalecem países na arena internacional. / This thesis explore the effect of trade interdependence over the countries alignments in the United Nations General Assembly. Using the instrumental variables approach, for a data set ranging from 1946 to 2012, we show that the more trade interdependence in time t the lower the countries alignment in t + 1. These results are counter intuitive, as most of the International Political Economy literature relates trade interdependence and cooperation positively. This work shows that this negative relation is robust to diverse specifications and becomes more consistent when the reverse causality is controlled. Finally, the discussion emphasizes that trade gains empower countries in the international arenas

In the 1960s, Nigeria was on a par, in terms of aspirations to attain a very high level of economic growth and development, with its fellow-oil producing and exporting countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia, but has since failed to keep pace with them. Nigeria’s agricultural, manufacturing and mining and quarrying sectors have played a continuous and significant role in the development of the country’s economy. The approval of the millennium development goals (MGDs) by the United Nations General Assembly therefore raises three pivotal questions for Nigeria. 1) Why is Nigeria still an underdeveloped and lowincome country? 2) What should the country do to make rapid economic and social progress? and 3) How can it attain a high level of economic development and growth?. This is the background of this study, which is an empirical investigation into the factors affecting Nigeria’s bid to achieve sustainable economic growth and development with particular reference to such sectors as agriculture, manufacturing and mining and quarrying (solid minerals) over the period of 1970-2005. This involves the analysis of the relevance of the health care and education sectors and examination of impediments to past economic development, a development model applicable to Nigeria, the efforts made and the challenges facing the country in achieving the MDGs, and the role of foreign development partners in complementing Nigeria’s development efforts. The methodology adopted for this study is sectoral-econometric modelling, using the Engle- Yoo (1991) model, which contributes to bridging the gap seen in empirical studies in the application of a multivariate dynamic econometric cointegration model on the effect of domestic and foreign financial resources investment for the development of the growth sectors in the Nigerian economy. The model captures the essential linkages between the growth sectors and the country’s efforts to achieve a high level of economic development. The results from the simulations are broadly consistent with findings described in theoretical and empirical literature. There is a strong positive relationship between the gross output of the agricultural, manufacturing and mining and quarrying sectors and labour input and public capital expenditure for the growth sectors. Also there is a strong positive relationship between the agricultural credit guarantee scheme, fertiliser and the gross output of agriculture. Furthermore, the findings show a positive impact of the structural adjustment programme with the agricultural and manufacturing production. Dynamic simulation of results was undertaken to assess the path of the 10 percent dynamic adjustment (shocks) on the relevant exogenous variables and the response properties show remarkable and positive significant impact due to the shocks. The estimated actual and forecast values of the equations in the model show notable increase in the amount and growth of the gross domestic product of the real sectors in Naira billion from 2005 to 2008. The study calls to question rigid government control over the mining and quarrying sector. The importance of mining and quarrying in accelerating the pace of economic growth in Nigeria should rather motivate the government to deregulate and reform the sector. This will enable the government to attract investors into the sector, while effectively planning to encourage the proliferation of small-scale artisan, medium-scale and large-scale miners. The deregulation of the mining and quarrying sector will boost production, growth and development through employment creation, increased income of household miners and upliftment of the social and economic status of the vast majority of Nigerians. Some of the reasons identified for Nigeria’s poor economic performance include: the serious effect of “Dutch disease”, reflected in the country’s inability to manage and diversify its oil wealth to transform and achieve dynamic industrial (manufacturing), agricultural, mining, health and educational and other growth sectors. Nigeria also suffers the effects of a troubled political history, during which military rule persisted for extended periods. This study shows the importance of improving the knowledge base for policymaking, where intersectoral linkages between economic and social factors can be identified, and direct and indirect macroeconomic policy effects discerned. This distinguishes the study from earlier work in Nigeria on development policy. Achieving a high level of economic development through transforming the country’s real sectors will not only reduce poverty by providing food security, increased agricultural and industrial exports, increased per capita income and consumption, but will also bring about improved literacy and a healthy workforce and foster peace and security in Nigeria. In addition, success in transforming the real sectors will strengthen and broaden the productive base of the country, which currently relies heavily on the petroleum sector as the major earner of foreign exchange. In order to achieve a high level of economic development and growth, attention should be concentrated on channelling global financial resources to the above-mentioned sectors because of their strong linkages with and powerful value-added effect to the rest of the economy. Under the new democratic dispensation, there ought to be large investment into the growth and support sectors from domestic and external sources if the country is to attain the international growth target of achieving a high and sustainable level of economic development. Therefore, with a strong will to become a patriotic civil society, stable and prosperous, and enough wisdom to elect leaders with good will and fairly good knowledge of the country’s economy, great prospects lie before the Nigerian economy. / Thesis (PhD (Economics))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Economics / unrestricted

The decade following the close of the Second World War has been dominated throughout by the clash of political power of the United States and the Soviet Union. Their wartime alliance has crumbled. New, antagonistic alliances have come into existence. The so-called 'EastWest' split, polar in its effect, has forced the admission that prospects of stable peace depend on how successfully bridges can be made to span the gulf. This over-riding and pervading reality has blinded us to the importance of another struggle, which is everywhere mounting in force and intensity and which history may well record as a dominant theme of the twentieth century -- the world-wide struggle for independence. In some cases it has produced revolution and violence: full-scale wars have been fought in its cause in Indonesia and Indo-China; military engagements have taken place in Kenya and Tunisia; Cypriots and British garrison forces have exchanged fire; Malayans have rioted; and 'incidents' too numerous to detail have been reported from a great variety of countries where political dependence exists. Intro., p. 1.

The United Nations General Assembly adopted on the 20PthP of November 1989 the Convention on the Rights of the Child responding to the atrocities committed against the child, the deaths of children from armed conflict, and children suffering from diseases and hunger. Moreover, the UNGA adopted on May 25PthP, 2000 two Optional Protocols to the CRC relating to the involvement of children in armed conflict and to the sale of children, the use of the child for pornography and prostitution. The CRC, almost ratified by all states, contains a comprehensive list of Human Rights relating to children which should be respected, promoted, protected and fulfilled. The CRC guarantees children’s individual human rights strengthening the role of parents. The UNCRC defines in article 1 that a child is every human being below the age of 18 unless, in a particular state, the age of majority is achieved earlier and emphasizes on four general principles the best interest of the child, non-discrimination, the rights to life, survival and development and the right to participate. Furthermore, especially for children in armed conflict, the CRC sets up measures which all states parties must implement in order to protect them and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC) also sets up some measures to protect them in armed conflict according to International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law. Nevertheless, during armed conflict, it is almost impossible to respect all obligations set in IHL and IHRL. During the last twelve years, the Democratic Republic of Congo was a battlefield in which it has been estimated that 2 million children have been killed, more than 6 million have been injured during this armed conflict. For instance, they have suffered sexual violence, grave psychological trauma, malnutrition and diseases. All the six grave violations against children set by the UN Security Council in its resolution 1612 (killing or maiming of children, recruitment or use of child soldiers, rape and other forms of sexual violence against children, abduction of children, attacks against schools or hospitals, denial of humanitarian access to children) were committed during this period in the DRC. Therefore, the DRC is responsible for the violation of children’s rights set in the various legal instruments protecting children in period of armed conflict. Despite the responsibility of the state, armed groups or individuals are also recognized as criminally responsible of the violation of the rights of children within the Congolese jurisdiction only if the material elements are committed intentionally and with knowledge, according to article 30 of the International Criminal Court. However, the reparation of these violations may foresee restitution, compensation for damage suffered in the past, assurance against future breach of international obligations and an approach that of remedial justice and prevention because children represent our societies and their protection represents a right and a human security issue. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

: Este trabalho tem como objeto o redirecionamento na política externa (RPE) - conceituado como as mudanças mais radicais, abrangentes e rápidas em política externa. Para analisar este fenômeno, são buscadas as principais condições conjunturais que podem aumentar a chance de ocorrência deste evento. Estas condições estão relacionadas ao conceito de Janela Política, que representa o período em que é rompida a inércia política e os tomadores de decisões têm condições de iniciar um processo de RPE. Objetivo: encontrar e delimitar quais as condições conjunturais que aumentam as chances de ocorrência de um RPE. Método: são utilizadas ferramentas metodológicas qualitativas e quantitativas. No segundo capítulo, a análise é feita por meio de um modelo de sobrevivência (Cox Proportional Hazard Model) que analisa o efeito das variáveis sobre os riscos de ocorrência do evento em foco, definido como as alterações mais extremas de comportamento nas votações da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas. No terceiro capítulo, é desenvolvida uma análise qualitativa histórica focando especificamente nos casos mais radicais de RPE, buscando identificar padrões comuns no desencadeamento dos processos em estudo; com base nestes casos, são desenvolvidas tipologias explicativas para identificar diferentes caminhos causais que levam ao evento em tela. Resultados: foi identificado que mudanças de regime e de líder político, no âmbito doméstico, e intervenções militares de potências estrangeiras aumentam os riscos de ocorrência de RPE; adicionalmente, a alta polarização política e a mudança de regime, a crise política doméstica com envolvimento de atores internacionais, os processos de isolamento internacional com imposição de sanções econômicas e os períodos de crise econômica com questionamento do modelo econômico vigente por parte dos atores políticos podem combinadamente levar à ocorrência de RPE. Conclusões: apesar da importância do interesses de atores políticos em empreender um projeto de RPE, foi identificado que determinados eventos aumentam os riscos deste processo ocorrer. / This thesis object is the foreign policy restructuring (FPR) - conceptualized as the most radical, encompassing, and fast changes in foreign policy. To analyze this phenomenon, there will be sought the main conjuncture conditions that might enhance the chances of this event occurrence. These conditions are related to the Policy Window concept, that represents a period during which the political inertia is disrupted and decision makers have the circumstances to undertake a FPR process. Objective: find and outline the conjectural conditions and variables that increase the chances of occurrence of a FPR. Methods: it will be used qualitative and quantitative methodological tools. In the second chapter, a survival model (Cox Proportional Hazard Model) analyses the effect variables related to the Policy Window concept over the risks of happening a FPR, defined as the most extreme changes of behavior in United Nations General Assembly roll-call votes. In the third chapter, a historical qualitative analysis is undertaken focusing exclusively on the most radical cases of FPR to develop explanatory typologies in order to identify causal conjunctures and common patters that lead to the outcome. Results: we identified that regime and political leader changes, in the national context, and military interventions by foreign powers enhance the risks of FPR occurrence; additionally, high political polarization combined with regime change, political crisis with international forces involvement, processes of international isolation with economic sanctions enforcement, and economic crises with political actors questioning the current economic model might be combined, configuring causal paths to a FPR. Conclusion: despite the importance of main political actors interest in implementing a FPR process, we identified that specific conjunctures and events raise the risks of a positive outcome.

The 14th Dalai Lama-Tenzin Gyatso (DL) has expressed strong support for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). While this may seem to be consistent with his outspoken promotion of basic "human values" and "universal responsibility" (Piburn, 2002), there is an unresolved metaphysical conflict between his endorsement of the UDHR and concomitant ideas like "inherent dignity" and "inalienable rights," on the one hand, and, on the other, his espousal of the Buddhist "Middle Way" or "Centrist" (Madhyamaka) thesis that all phenomena (i.e., persons, things, and ideas like "human rights") lack "intrinsic existence" (svabhāva). In this dissertation I argue that an "unforced consensus" (Taylor 2011) on rights can be achieved through an application of the Madhyamaka interpretation of the "two truths" (dvasatya; bden pa gnyis). Metaphysics, however, is only one dimension of the Madhyamaka account of reality. There is an equally (if not more) important "cognitive dimension" that pertains to how one sees and interacts with the world (Westerhoff, 2009). I believe this can be effectively applied to an analysis of the psychology of human rights foundationalism (i.e., the mindset that reifies rights). The DL believes that ultimately the safeguarding of human rights culture depends on a cognitive shift at the individual level. I explore the philosophical implications of this belief, and I contend that it is consistent with the concept of human development and education in the UDHR. I conclude that Tibetan Buddhist ideas and practices can potentially help bridge the divide between human rights foundationalism and anti-foundationalism in a manner that reinvigorates the utility of the UDHR, and yet does not philosophically yield to an essentialist world-view.

: Este trabalho tem como objeto o redirecionamento na política externa (RPE) - conceituado como as mudanças mais radicais, abrangentes e rápidas em política externa. Para analisar este fenômeno, são buscadas as principais condições conjunturais que podem aumentar a chance de ocorrência deste evento. Estas condições estão relacionadas ao conceito de Janela Política, que representa o período em que é rompida a inércia política e os tomadores de decisões têm condições de iniciar um processo de RPE. Objetivo: encontrar e delimitar quais as condições conjunturais que aumentam as chances de ocorrência de um RPE. Método: são utilizadas ferramentas metodológicas qualitativas e quantitativas. No segundo capítulo, a análise é feita por meio de um modelo de sobrevivência (Cox Proportional Hazard Model) que analisa o efeito das variáveis sobre os riscos de ocorrência do evento em foco, definido como as alterações mais extremas de comportamento nas votações da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas. No terceiro capítulo, é desenvolvida uma análise qualitativa histórica focando especificamente nos casos mais radicais de RPE, buscando identificar padrões comuns no desencadeamento dos processos em estudo; com base nestes casos, são desenvolvidas tipologias explicativas para identificar diferentes caminhos causais que levam ao evento em tela. Resultados: foi identificado que mudanças de regime e de líder político, no âmbito doméstico, e intervenções militares de potências estrangeiras aumentam os riscos de ocorrência de RPE; adicionalmente, a alta polarização política e a mudança de regime, a crise política doméstica com envolvimento de atores internacionais, os processos de isolamento internacional com imposição de sanções econômicas e os períodos de crise econômica com questionamento do modelo econômico vigente por parte dos atores políticos podem combinadamente levar à ocorrência de RPE. Conclusões: apesar da importância do interesses de atores políticos em empreender um projeto de RPE, foi identificado que determinados eventos aumentam os riscos deste processo ocorrer. / This thesis object is the foreign policy restructuring (FPR) - conceptualized as the most radical, encompassing, and fast changes in foreign policy. To analyze this phenomenon, there will be sought the main conjuncture conditions that might enhance the chances of this event occurrence. These conditions are related to the Policy Window concept, that represents a period during which the political inertia is disrupted and decision makers have the circumstances to undertake a FPR process. Objective: find and outline the conjectural conditions and variables that increase the chances of occurrence of a FPR. Methods: it will be used qualitative and quantitative methodological tools. In the second chapter, a survival model (Cox Proportional Hazard Model) analyses the effect variables related to the Policy Window concept over the risks of happening a FPR, defined as the most extreme changes of behavior in United Nations General Assembly roll-call votes. In the third chapter, a historical qualitative analysis is undertaken focusing exclusively on the most radical cases of FPR to develop explanatory typologies in order to identify causal conjunctures and common patters that lead to the outcome. Results: we identified that regime and political leader changes, in the national context, and military interventions by foreign powers enhance the risks of FPR occurrence; additionally, high political polarization combined with regime change, political crisis with international forces involvement, processes of international isolation with economic sanctions enforcement, and economic crises with political actors questioning the current economic model might be combined, configuring causal paths to a FPR. Conclusion: despite the importance of main political actors interest in implementing a FPR process, we identified that specific conjunctures and events raise the risks of a positive outcome.