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A brief glimpse into the diplomatic correspondence to preponderance of intercourse due to the economic development of Mexico and the United States. It was at first hoped that the scope of this thesis could cover the definite effect of the economic development upon the diplomatic relations. Unfortunately that task would cover such a wide field as to admit of no intensive study of any particular phase. The diplomatic correspondence of the last twenty years covers an enormous field, due largely to the unsettled conditions existing in Mexico subsequent to the fall of Porfirio Diaz

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The treaty to establish a protectorate over Haiti is another step by the United States in the Americanization of the Caribbean area. These extensions have become a fixed policy of the Department of States. The Republicans and Democrats heartily support the United States government in her program of expansion. Protests will continue, but once the United States gets in, she will stay in. Already she has gone far from the position that she occupied when she first went in. The United States has always had a policy of expansion from early colonial period. She has extended control west, south, and north to secure fields for our population and commercial interests. In the brief period since the Spanish-American War, the United States has made rapid strides in the Caribbean area. Most of these republics have a large proportion of white blood, but Haiti is the black republic. White men have been able to hold land or become citizens only since 1899.1 In Haiti, a white man is looked upon with prejudice, just as the Americans look upon the Negro. This fact raises a great problem in the control of the United States over Haiti.

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This thesis focuses on the following questions: What accounts for U.S. foreign policy? Where is causation located in the foreign process? What changes have taken place in this process over the past 20 years and what are its present characteristics? In providing answers to these questions I refer to James Rosenau's pretheory, a widely employed theoretical framework for the analysis of foreign policy. Rosenau identified five interrelated variable categories which together determine the foreign policy behavior of the United States. He assigned relative potencies to the variable categories thereby ranking them according to their explanatory power. In this thesis, an adapted version of Rosenau's pretheory was used for the analysis of the first major foreign policy crisis of the Reagan administration, the Soviet pipeline sanctions. This foreign policy episode proved to be an excellent illustration of how changes in the domestic and external environment have caused a transformation of U.S. foreign policy in the past two decades. It was found that the domestic foundation of U.S. foreign policy - congressional bipartisanship, executive branch unity, a supportive public and the backing of interest groups - has been replaced by a divided public, antagonist interest groups, a fragmented Executive, and an assertive Congress. These domestic changes were accompanied by external changes, especially the declining ability of the United States to control its external environment. These factors placed constraints on an independent U.S. foreign policy and most of them proved to promote continuity rather than change in the foreign policy behavior of the United States. / Master of Arts

Recent American external activities directed towards Libya and Iran have brought to light the inconsistent nature of American foreign policy. This paper is essentially an investigation of these inconsistencies, attempting to illuminate through a multivariate time series analysis whether there are any overriding influences which can be used to explain such policy reversal and vacillation. The example of Israel was taken as a case study in foreign policy inconsistency, to underline the truly inconsistent nature of U.S. foreign policy while underlining the conventional explanations for such inconsistencies. The theoretical perspective considered that the policy influences fall into three essential categories, domestic (economic, political and public), external and idiosyncratic. The analysis followed the same format accounting for and operationalising each categorisation within the the model. To accurately facilitate the analysis an autoregressive model was used, taking a U.S. - World interaction data variable as the dependent variable throughout. A variety of economic, public, political and external variables were used as the input data. This analysis is a preliminary analysis offering suggestions and direction for future research. / M.A.