The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.

This thesis investigates the extent to which Ambassador Kirkpatrick's and Ambassador Walters' United Nations discourses on human rights reflects the rhetorical themes of "prophetic dualism" and "technocratic realism." A metaphoric analysis of six speeches reveals that both Kirkpatrick's and Walters' arguments were framed through an ideological division between Democracy and Communism. The presence of "prophetic dualism" in Kirkpatrick's and Walters' discourses is explained as an extension of President Reagan's bipolar rhetoric on world affairs. The presence of "technocratic realism" in Walters' discourse is described as resulting from a unique set of political and rhetorical factors. The exacting nature of "prophetic dualism" may make it ill suited as a method of argument in the realm of diplomacy.

In the recent past a number of technologies have been imported into The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This experience has affirmed the conviction that technology can make an invaluable contribution to the growth of The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. However, in doing so, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, like other nations, faces some questions of possible obstacles, trials and errors during the course of industrial development and technology transfer, that can be addressed by utilising science and technology efficiently to develop many sectors, improve output of industry, develop standards and -status of national manpower and its utilisation. This study analyses issues related to successful technology transfer in Saudi industry As such, the purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between industrial development and technology transfer in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and the important role that modem technology can play in development of the oil and petrochemicals sectors. The aims are to provide a better understanding of the linkage between technology transfer and industrial development strategies in general, with special emphasis on the performance of the Saudi oil and petrochemical industry in particular. As such, to avoid failures on technology transfer, it becomes an imperative to analyse technology transfer by considering various approaches, as follows: Technology and industry is a key to future growth in Saudi Arabia - The main objective here is to locate, attract and keep industry. The concept of technology and industry deals with role of technology and the dynamics of Saudi's industry environment to excel in markets. Strategy at the functional level - this relates to the various activities assigned to different departments in the organisational structure. The concept means that all functions must be conducted in accordance with industry, technology and strategy. Strategy and technology - this means how to transfer an already existing technology to Saudi industry. Strategy for research and development - The concept deals mainly with how to plan, finance and implement R&D for products, security, environmental protection etc. Where to draw the line between general and specific objectives in R&D. The chosen method to study these issues is case study analysis of SABIC (Saudi Basic Industries Corporation) and Saudi Aramco (Saudi Arabian Oil Company). SABIC has been established for two main strategic objectives that go together in two parallel lines. The first objective aims to develop human resources and to turn them into a trained category that has the capability to transfer, assimilate and develop the most sophisticated technologies. The second objective aims to develop the natural resources and convert them to industrial products, helping to diversify the domestic income sources and open the doors for building up processing industries to satisfy the local and external market requirements. The first case study (SABIC) provides an overview of the phenomenon of technology transfer to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. For comparative purposes the second case study involves a case study of Saudi Arabia's largest oil firm (Saudi Aramco). These two case studies have been selected for their: i role in technology transfer in Saudi oil and petrochemical sectors, ii approach and access to greater resources in technology transfer, iii exposure of firm behaviour in the Saudi industrial sector, iv contribution to Saudi economic development and realisation of additional income through improved operations. The two case studies, typical of large companies not only in Saudi Arabia but also in the world, will address the obstacles in learning, committing and increasing performance through technology transfer. These cases highlight a range of choices available in technology transfer, which provide a wide range of means for technological learning through transfer. They offer different opportunities for further innovation and technology development. Although Saudi Aramco and SABIC claim 80 percent and 73 percent " Saudisation", respectively, the survey indicates that native Saudis need more participation and involvement in technology process in order to raise their technological know-how. As a result of this study, a common approach to technology transfer into Saudi Aramco and SABIC may be developed and applied by industry, per its requirements to address existing and prospective problems. At present Saudi Arabia has the capacity to absorb new technologies in its growing industrial sector. This is required to meet its desired objectives of becoming industrialised and self-sufficient in required technologies. The real test of effective technology transfer in this study is the need to build Saudi local technological capability supported by an effective learning strategy. The ultimate aim is to expand the scope of this study beyond the academic level towards the practical challenges of improving the efficiency and effectiveness of inward technology transfer for future Saudi industrial development.

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This thesis examines the Japanese military conquests leading up to their attack on Pearl Harbor, including aggression towards Korea, China, and the Pacific islands.

This thesis compares Thailand',s relations with the United States and China from 196541975, The realist as-sumes that the structure of power in the internationall system determines overall relations between states' First, this study describes the power situation in southeast Asia in 1965, The next steps are concerned with the study of Thai-U, S. relations and Thai-Chinese relations, The thesis finds that Thailand's relations with the United States and China are determined by the structure of power. When a major power like the United States changes its policies to accommodate China, Thailand, which is a small country, turns to be more friendly with China, These attitudes correlate with the realist assumption,.

The main objective of American foreign policy in the Middle East, during the post-War period of 1946-1958, was to safeguard the area against Soviet intrusions. This thesis attempts to examine the causes for the failure of the United States to achieve this objective. It concludes that this failure is the result of an alienation of the major national forces in the Middle East. The United States alienated the Arab world by openly and unreservedly supporting Zionist aims in Palestine. She alienated newly independent states by establishing close cooperation with Britain and France, their former colonial masters. She alienated revolutionary nationalists by supporting reactionary and traditional rulers against them and by opposing their ideals of neutrality and revolutionary change. In doing so, the United States opened the way for the Soviet Union to challenge her position and threaten her interests in the area. By emphasizing the military aspects of containment, she demonstrated a lack of understanding of the nature of the Soviet threat. The revolutionary nationalists sought to obtain military, economic, and technical aid without conditions or political strings. By insisting on imposing her conditions of alliance against communism and securing concessions and guarantees, including the safety and security of Israel, the United States made it impossible for the nationalist forces to cooperate with her. They, therefore, were forced to deal with the Soviet Union, whose aid was offered with no conditions or strings attached. The American response to isolate and weaken those states which accepted Soviet aid, through such means as the Eisenhower Doctrine, brought on a most serious deterioration in relations never before encountered by the United States and the most spectacular successes ever realized by the Soviet Union in the Middle East.

On November 26, 1945, the Ambassador to China, Patrick J. Hurley, announced his resignation to the American press. In doing so, he leveled charges against the State Department and a number of its Foreign Service officers—charges which questioned the integrity of many, in their relation with what Hurley termed the “Imperialist” and communist nations in China. Those charges were the beginning of two and one-half decades of ideological crusading in America by many who developed the theory that those men charged by Hurley had been responsible for America’s “loss of China” Hurley was sent to China in 1944 as President Roosevelt’s personal representatives to Chiang Kai-shek. His directive was to promote efficient and harmonious relations between Chiang Kai-shek and General Stilwell, Commander of American Forces, China Theatre. Hurley was, further, to facilitate Stilwell’s exercise of command over the Chinese armies, which, it was hoped, would soon be placed under him. Failing in this mission, Hurley was ultimately appointed to the rank of Ambassador after the resignation of Clarence T. Gauss. Hurley had by this time, taken on the responsibility of promoting negotiations between the Kuomintang Government of Chiang Kai-shek and the Chinese Communist Party, headquartered in Yenan. Rather than simply offering his “good offices” in the negotiations, Hurley became personally involved, interjecting his personal, ideological beliefs into the proposals of each side. Through his involvement, Hurley became personally committed to unification on his terms and eventually gave the Kuomintang Party and Chiang Kai-shek the impression that the United States was permanently committed to support of the Central Government. Hurley soon came into conflict with a number of Foreign Service officers and the Department of State, below the level of the Secretary of State, over opposing interpretations of American policy in China. Hurley became intransigent in his overwhelming support of the National Government, while members of the State department believed that the United States should remain flexible in its approach to the problems in China to avoid supporting the losing side in what was seen as an inevitable civil war. Hurley came to see criticism of Chiang Kai-shek’s government and suggestions for alterations in policy, as personal criticism directed to him. In the face of this perceived threat to himself, he had a number of Foreign Service officers re-called or transferred, only to discover that they had been reassigned to positions which he thought were superior to his. In the face of these events and rising criticism, in addition to eventual failure to bring the two Chinese factions together and impending civil war. Hurley submitted his resignation to the Secretary of State, after first announcing his reasons to the press. Experiencing one of the few failures of his life , the man who had risen from the coal mines of Oklahoma to become a millionaire twice over, Secretary of Defense und0er President Hoover, and Ambassador to China under Roosevelt, turned the blame for his failure to those with whom he had come into conflict, the Department of State being the principal culprit. This study of Hurley’s experience in China is based upon several secondary accounts of the period, recently published Department of State papers (Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers), Hurley’s several testimonials before Congressional Committees, and interviews with Mr. John Stewart Service, upon whom attention was focused in numerous loyalty investigations subsequent to Hurley’s resignation.

This study traces the career of Robert Francis Kelley and his influence on American-Russian Relations during the nonrecognition period (1917-1933). The focus of this examination is Kelley's role in formulating, implementing, and sustaining America's anti-communist policy developed and solidified during the 1920s and 1930s. Particular attention is given to the senate recognition hearing of 1924, Kelley's training of future diplomats (George Kennan, Charles Bohlen, et al.), and his contributions to the preparations leading to the United States' recognition of Russia in 1933. Using Kelley's papers and personal correspondence, this study shows the growth of a man and the evolution of a policy.

This thesis is a survey of the available material on the submarine issue during 1914-1917 as a factor in German-American relations which contributed to the American declaration of war in April 1917. No other scholarly work is devoted solely to the submarine issue during this period. The purpose of this thesis is to focus on the submarine as an international legal issue. German-American relations were strained during 1914-1917, because of the different interpretations of international law regarding the submarine. And this thesis was written in order to test the existing historical interpretations of the submarine issue as a focal point of German-American relations.