The study of southern evangelicals during the late colonial and revolutionary eras of American history has focused primarily on the social antagonisms that separated evangelicals from southern elites and has concluded that the rapid growth of post-war evangelicalism came as a result of evangelical acquiescence to southern gentry mores. Most study of southern evangelicals has concentrated on the upper South missing important developments in the Deep South which contradict historical assumptions of Separate triumph and the subsequent subversion of radical evangelicalism by evangelical leaders eager for societal acceptance. Evangelicals were not a monolithic movement. Key doctrines, primarily the need for conversion, united them, but the social range of evangelical groups included outcast Separate Baptists to elite members of Charleston and Savannah society. Because evangelicals have been viewed as outside the mainstream of southern society, evangelical contributions to the revolutionary cause have gone mostly unnoticed. This work seeks to illuminate the contributions of evangelicals to the American Revolution by examining the roles of evangelicals in the Imperial Crisis and in the war itself. Evangelical leaders were strong proponents of American rights. Far from being outcasts, many evangelicals enjoyed positions of prominence in southern society and several served in the governments of South Carolina and Georgia. Almost all evangelicals in this region supported the American cause and were viewed by many elite revolutionaries as indispensable to solidifying the unity necessary to fight Great Britain. Evangelicals and Anglican elites worked together to cement support for provincial government and bring about the disestablishment of the Anglican Church. Evangelicals also served an important role in winning the American Revolution in the South. Evangelicals, particularly New Light Presbyterians and Regular Baptists, formed a major portion of the militia that rose to bedevil Lord Cornwallis‟s attempts to implement British strategic goals. His failure in South Carolina led to his ultimate downfall at Yorktown. In the final chapter, this work examines the proud, if divided, republicanism of southern evangelicals, highlights their political activity, and explores the beginning of the evangelical ascent to religious dominance in the Deep South.

The history of historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) has been traditionally discussed using the “top-down” approach, but this oftentimes leads to the omission of the contributions of the many men and women who are essential to the success of these institutions—men like Dr. Joseph James Dennis who served Clark College for forty-seven years. During his tenure, Dennis served as the chairman of the mathematics department, homecoming committee, and institutional representative and President of the Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Conference (SIAC). The purpose of this study is to explore Dennis’ contributions and why Clark College dedicated a building in his honor. This study uses primary and secondary sources to navigate Dennis’ contributions and service. This study suggests that although historical documentation from the administrative lens is vital to posterity, the viewpoints of men and women like Dennis are equally important to the preservation of the HBCU history.

This research examines the assertions made by Johnson and Kaplan (1987) that cost accounting lost relevance after 1925 due to the dominance of financial accounting, to an academic preoccupation with financial accounting, to the disappearance of engineers and to a managerial emphasis on financial measures of net income and earnings per share. Additionally, the research looks at environmental effects on cost accounting, both economic and governmental.

There are no records to substantiate that one of the passengers on the Mayflower brought an oboe with him in 1620, but diaries, journals, and newspaper articles document its presence and utilization in the United States a few years after that date. A reference to musical instruments occurs in the inventories of the goods of two neighboring New Hampshire "plantations" taken approximately ten years after they were originally settled. At "Newitchwanicke, ld of Julie, 1633. . . in the Great House, 15 recorders and hoeboys" were listed, while "at Pascattaquack 2d Julie, 1633," one day later, there were no less than "hoeboys and recorders 26" and "1 drume"!1 By 1635 New Hampshire had 56 oboes and recorders alone. 2

When the military forces of the Third Reich invaded the Soviet Union in June 1941, the German authorities used local anti-Communist collaborators to facilitate the invasion and the occupation of the conquered territories. Many of these Byelorussian collaborators became complicit in the perpetration of the Holocaust and eagerly created a puppet regime under the direct control of the Schutzstaffel (SS). However, this regime and the crimes of its members remain largely unknown. As the Third Reich crumbled, the members of the SS-sponsored Byelorussian Central Council (BCC) hid themselves in the confusion of postwar Europe’s Displaced Persons camps, where they began to forge relationships with the intelligence agencies of the western Allies. As the mistrust between the Soviet Union and its erstwhile allies grew, these Nazi collaborators represented themselves as anti-Communist refugees from Stalinist persecution. They successfully navigated the currents of the early Cold War, evading arrest and prosecution for their wartime crimes with the help of their new sponsors in American intelligence. Many of the most notorious members of the BCC immigrated to the United States and became naturalized citizens, trading the vestiges of the Third Reich’s Byelorussian intelligence networks and military forces to American intelligence in exchange for protection from extradition and prosecution. This work focuses on the members of the BCC, the extent of their criminal collaboration with the Third Reich, and the role American intelligence played in helping these Byelorussian Nazi collaborators escape justice and become United States citizens.

America’s victory in World War II came from a number of successes such as production of war materiel, technological advances, and national mobilization on levels not seen before or since. America went into the war behind the Axis Powers both militarily and economically. The Great Depression had a devastating effect on merchant ship building in the United States during the 1930’s. In response, the U.S. Congress passed the Merchant Marine Act of 1936, which created the U.S. Maritime Commission whose mission was to modernize and build ships for the looming world war. Originally slated to build fifty ships a year for ten years as a part of the New Deal attack on a sagging economy, the Maritime Commission ended up building over 5,000 ships by the end of 1945. This paper examines the critical role of the civilian United States Merchant Marine in the struggle against the Japanese Empire.

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This research explores the meaning, construction, representation, and function of Delaware ethnic identity during the 1820s. In 1821, nearly 2,000 Delawares (self-referentially called Lenape) crossed the Mississippi River and settled in Southwest Missouri as a condition of the Treaty of St. Marys. This dissertation argues that effects of this emigration sparked a vigorous reconsideration of ethnic identity and cultural representation. Traditionally, other Eastern Algonquian groups recognized Delawares by the metaphoric kinship status of "grandfather." Both European and Colonial governments also established Delawares as preferential clients and trading partners. Yet, as the Delawares immigrated into a new "western" Superintendency of Indian Affairs in 1821, neither status was acknowledged. as a result, Delaware representations transitioned from a taken-for-granted state into an actively negotiated field of discourse. This dissertation utilizes numerous unpublished primary source documents and archaeological data recovered during the Delaware Town Archaeological Project (2003-2005) to demonstrate the social, political, and material consequences of Delaware ethnic identity revitalization. Utilizing Silliman's (2001) practical politics model of practice theory, the archival and archaeological data sets of Delaware Town reveal the reinforcement of conspicuous ethnic boundaries, coalition-building that emphasized Delaware status as both "grandfathers" and as warriors, and also reestablishing preferred client status in trade and treaty-making. This study illuminates this poorly-known decade as a time where Delawares negotiated and exerted their ethnic identity and cultural representations to affect political, economic, and social outcomes of their choosing in the rapidly-vanishing "middle ground" of early-19th century Missouri.

This dissertation is a bio-critical study of writer Dorothy West (1907--1998). It focuses on her apprenticeship in Harlem from 1926--1934 during the literary renaissance and lays the groundwork for a biography, long overdue. West's career extends from the Harlem Renaissance to the end of the 20 th century, but she has not received the critical recognition her work merits. The study of West's early work illuminates her later work, The Living Is Easy (1948) and The Wedding (1995); it demonstrates the continuity throughout her writing and makes clear that she struggled with the same themes and issues repeatedly during her seventy-year career.;Sensitized by their experience of slavery and racism in America, Dorothy West's family internalized an extreme consciousness of color. their negative construction of color played out its dynamics in West's literary imagination. Her portraits of color consciousness ran counter to the hopes of the Harlem Renaissance to build racial pride through positive self-representation. The dysfunctional model of black family life in West's fiction challenged W. E. B. Du Bois' racial aesthetics, in his underestimation of the place of color in shaping positive racial subjectivity, and interrogated the racial discourse of 1920's black periodicals. Her opposition cost her their support, thereby limiting her publishing opportunities. This set of circumstances encouraged West and fellow-writer Wallace Thurman to develop little magazines as independent publishing venues to maintain authorship and representational authority. But this hiatus from writing compromised the full development of West's talent.;Dorothy West's fiction was primarily a quest for self-definition. Ultimately, she followed the path of Alex Haley, seeking her "roots" across the generations in a slave past. In a life-long struggle with her mother's conflicted racial values, West came to embrace a broad acceptance of her race with all its vagaries of color and mixed ancestry. at its best, Dorothy West's life was spent learning to recreate and then to love herself. and at its best, her fiction expressed that struggle to create and to love.

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