Bicycle-sharing programs are a new trend in urban transportation. The main difference of a bicycle-sharing program with a regular bicycle rental is that is possible to get a bicycle in one station and return it in any other station. There are many models of bicycle sharing, each model with its pros and cons. This study analyzes the bicycle-sharing models in order to build a proposal of a bicycle-sharing program suitable for Brazilian median cities. The study begins with an overview of bicycle transportation, followed by the analysis of different bicycle-sharing programs. The last chapter formulates a proposal of a bicycle-sharing program suitable for Brazilian median cities. This study uses both quantitative and qualitative methods. The analysis includes a case study on the bicycle-sharing program in Stockholm. This case study is based on interviews with the manager of the program in the company in charge, and with the responsible official in Stockholm municipality. A questionnaire was moreover handed out to users of the program. This case study is complemented with a questionnaire sent by email to managers of bicycle-sharing programs in some cities around the world, this in order to provide more examples on how bicycle sharing can be organized. Finally, another case study was carried out in a Brazilian median city in order to evaluate the local awareness concerning bicycle transport, and the possibility of implementing a bicycle-sharing program there. A questionnaire was handed out to a sample of the local population and an interview was made with the local transport authority. The analysis of all data results in a proposal for a bicycle-sharing program suitable for the Brazilian context. The proposal comprises the choices of bicycles, stations, equipment related to the hiring process and service vehicle. It includes a complete financial appraisal with the necessary capital for implementing and managing the program. It shows that it is possible to build an affordable bicycle-sharing program adapted to Brazilian median cities. The program will create job opportunities and can contribute to a changed view of bicycle transportation in these cities. The proposal could also be applied in countries with the same characteristics as Brazil.

Hundreds of billions of dollars are spent every year on developing new urban transport infrastructure (Hannon et al., 2020). At the same time, we know that the transportation network is a crucial determinant of the spatial organization of economic activity within a city. For this reason, it is important to understand the effects of investing in the transport infrastructure of a city on the spatial distribution of the residents of the city, as well as the welfare implications of these investments. In this dissertation, I will explore these questions in the context of a large transport infrastructure investment in the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina. I will then use this setting to study the political implications of these investments in transport infrastructure on the incumbent party that is in office when the investments are made. In the first chapter I study how improvements in the urban transport infrastructure affect the spatial sorting of residents with different levels of income and education within a city. In particular, I study the effects of the construction of a bus rapid transit system (BRT) on the spatial reorganization of residents within the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina. To do so, I leverage an individual level panel data set of more than two million residents with which I can describe intra-city migration patterns at a very fine spatial scale. With these data, I employ an instrumental variables identification strategy to study how the increases in commuter market access produced by the new transportation network led to changes in the spatial sorting of residents in the city. In this chapter, I find evidence that the construction of the BRT increased the spatial segregation between high and low-skilled residents within the city. In the second chapter of the dissertation, I quantify the welfare effects of improving the urban transit infrastructure of a city once we take into account the patterns of spatial sorting found in Chapter 1. To do so, I develop a dynamic quantitative spatial equilibrium model of a city with heterogeneous workers. I use this quantitative framework to quantify the welfare effects of the BRT system built in Buenos Aires. This framework, allows me to measure the average welfare gains for residents that were living near the BRT lines before these were built. I find that welfare gains were very similar between high- and low-skilled workers living in the same locations before the BRT system was built, but that gains were very different within skill levels across locations. Residents living near a BRT line in neighborhoods with the lowest share of high-skilled residents saw welfare gains close to 1% on average, while residents living near a BRT line in neighborhoods with the highest high-skilled share saw welfare gains around 0.5% on average. Finally, in the third chapter I study the political consequences of public investment in transport infrastructure for the incumbent party that is in office when the investment is made. In particular, I use the same BRT construction in the city of Buenos Aires to study its effects on the incumbent party’s vote share in subsequent elections after the BRT lines were built. I use a staggered difference-in-difference estimation approach in order to capture the treatment effects relative to the time that each BRT line was either built or announced. I find that the incumbent party decreased its vote share in the districts closer to an opening BRT line in the election prior to the opening, but increased its vote share in the first election following the opening of a BRT line. However, when defining the treatment timing based on the year in which each line was announced, the effects of the BRT line on the incumbent party’s vote share appear to be negative and decreasing with the number of year from the announcement.

Bibliography: pages 142-152. / In recent years, the South African transportation system has witnessed the rise of intermediate forms of transport, in particular the kombi taxi. Though referred to as a taxi, the kombi taxi differs from the typical sedan taxi. As a taxi, the kombi is a minibus vehicle, typically of Volkswagen, Toyota or Datsun make. In South Africa, the kombi taxi is legally allowed a maximum passenger capacity of eight, whereas the sedan taxi is generally licenced to carry a maximum of five passengers. In terms of patronage, the sedan taxi is more often used by businessmen and holidaymakers, as well as commuting youngsters and the elderly on a sporadic basis. Like the sedan taxi, the kombi taxi is privately owned and operated. However, the kombi taxi is used on a more regular basis and frequently conveys passengers along a set route, operating more like a bus service than a taxi service. Fares charged by kombi taxi drivers are set according to route as opposed to the metered rate charged by the sedan taxi operator. The kombi taxi is used by the non-white community in particular and has become a feature of commuter demand satisfaction. Interest in the South African kombi taxi was sparked as a result of the 1983 Commission of Inquiry into Bus Passenger Transport (Welgemoed, 1983). The report, among other things, considered the effect of taxis on the bus industry and covered future transportation policy. One of the recommendations of the Welgemoed Commission was that the kombi taxi be phased out over a four-year period in order to protect existing and future bus services in the Republic. Given the spatial patterning of South African cities and the important role of intermediate forms of transportation in filling an existing mobility/demand gap, it became apparent that the issue of the kombi taxi required further I analysis in order that its role and function as part of the South African transportation system could be better understood. Thus, the Cape Town Metropolitan Transportation Area was chosen for specific study.

Bibliography: pages 196-213. / This thesis treats the role of the jitney in urban transportation from an economic perspective. The method of enquiry begins with a theory review including a description of the jitney, the distinction between passenger and operator costs, economies of scale and scope, market structure, and an allocatively efficient pricing rule for the jitney industry. It is asserted that in an unregulated urban transportation market a socially efficient pricing structure arises, which reconciles both user and producer costs. A discussion of the rise and decline of the jitney industry in Cape Town from 1924 to 1931 and industry developments in the 1970's and 1980's places this exposition within an historic context. Policy implications of the aforegoing analysis are suggested with respect to the potential role to be played by the jitney in urban public transport. Based on this approach, an alternative consideration of the competition between the jitney and conventional transport methods is proposed.

Active transportation modes of walking and bicycling have the potential to help mitigate environmental and health concerns ranging from growing greenhouse gas emissions to increasing rates of obesity. This dissertation investigates how new movers make decisions about active transportation, particularly non-work utilitarian walking, in the context of a new home and neighborhood. New movers are an important, yet often overlooked, population in travel behavior research because they provide an opportunity to observe behavior adoption in new contexts, but also because the roughly one-in-ten Americans who move each year are more likely to consider changes to daily routines, including travel behavior, making them prime targets for voluntary travel behavior change programs. Using data from a two-wave survey of recent movers in six U.S. cities, psychological and social mechanisms essential to the built environment travel behavior relationship. The research is divided into three stand-alone papers (chapters 4, 5 and 6). First, to isolate the built environment effect on active travel mode adoption, the relative influence of the built environment and a robust set of self-selection variables is quantified. Second, the psychological constructs that facilitate the built environment travel behavior relationship are identified. And in light of increasing market demand for housing in walkable urban neighborhoods and the observed importance of self-selection, the final paper quantifies the extent to which low-income households face are able to realize preferences for walkable housing locations. The key findings of this dissertation are that 1) the built environment plays a key role in determining recent mover adoption of utilitarian walking even after controlling for self-selection; 2) the influence of the built environment on post-move adoption of utilitarian walking largely mediated by perceived behavior control, as expected, and, unexpectedly, by descriptive social norms; and 3) low-income movers who prioritized moving to a walkable place were about half as likely as higher-income movers to be able to realize this preference. These findings have practical and theoretical implications which are discussed in each paper and in the final chapter.

This study aims to explore the relationship between the objective (actual) environment and people's perceptions of the environment, and their relative effects on active travel behavior, particularly bicycling behavior. This is an important research gap in the current literature linking the built environment and active travel. Better understanding this relationship will help to explore the mechanism underlying the built environment- behavior relationship and identify potential interventions to promote active travel. Relying on the data from Portland, OR, this study investigated the following four research questions: (1) How does the objectively measured environment correspond to the perceived environment? And what factors contribute to the mismatch between the objective and perceived environment? (2) What are the different effects of the perceived and objective environment on active travel behavior? (3) Do perceptions mediate the effects of the objective environment on active travel behavior? (4) Do changes in the built environment change perceptions, and in turn change travel behavior? Through various statistical methods, this study found that there was a mismatch between perceptions and objectively measured environment, and such factors as socio-demographics, attitudes, social environment, and behavior could contribute to this mismatch. This study also found the perceived environment and objective environment had independent effects on bicycling. Further, this study found the objectively measured bicycling environment had only an indirect effect on bicycling behavior through influencing one's perceptions of the environment. Finally, this study found changes in the actual built environment may change the perceptions of the walking environment, but not the perceptions of the bicycling environment, at least in the short term.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Civil Engineering, 1979. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Includes bibliographies. / by David Damm. / Ph.D.

Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Civil Engineering; and, (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1978. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ENGINEERING. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 153-159). / by Glen E. Weisbrod. / M.S. / M.C.P.

A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Architecture to the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2018 / This study applied a case study approach to analyse assumed human behaviour models applied in the conceptualisation and implementation of the promotion campaigns for public and non-motorised transport in the Gauteng City Region and how this might have influenced the transition towards public transport and non-motorised transport. Besides the primary data collected through interviews with diverse participants, secondary data from reports and media articles were captured and analysed. The study found a diverse range of promotion campaigns for public and non- motorized transport such as You make Joburg great and the Ecomobility Festival. The related promotion campaign activities included educational campaigns and billboard messaging. Using behavioural insights such as prospect theory and rational choice theory, the study analysed the activities and tools of the promotion campaigns in order to understand the predominant assumed model. The study finds that the rational agent model of human behaviour was the most assumed model for the promotion campaigns. Due to the fact that the outcomes of the campaigns were not systematically evaluated, specific transition-impacts of the assumed model could not be analysed and therefore no relevant finding could be made on the related sub-question. However, secondary data sources clearly indicate that IMT use continues to grow in Gauteng City Region in spite of the ongoing campaigns. The study therefore went on to identify gaps within the delivered campaign activities and considered better ways to improve such campaigns in the context of the non-rational model. The study finds that in spite of close to over three decades of scientific questioning of the rational model, the model remains as the predominant framework in the promotion campaigns for PT and NMT. Although there might be other contributing factors, this predominance of the framework possibly undermines the anticipated impacts, and in particular, inhibits the responses to such campaigns and overall transitioning towards public and non-motorised transport. Key words: econs, framing, non-motorised transport, non-rational model, nudging, promotion campaign, public transport, rational model / GR2019

This licentiate thesis consists of an introduction (‘kappa’) and three papers discussing various aspects of time as a commodity and the practice of valuing travel time. The first paper is an analysis of the properties of time as an economic resource taking into account literature on behavior with regard to time. The intent is to provide better understanding of the underlying assumption of transferability between time and money in the context of transportation. The second paper builds on the analysis in the first paper combined with the findings of a study of commuters travel experiences during disruptions in the train traffic on the Øresund strait between Sweden and Denmark. It contrasts the theoretical account of value of travel time with the experiences reported by commuters and argues that the view of travel time as strictly a disutility can be limiting from a planning perspective. Instead, it is argued that an alternative approach can be to make travel time ‘plannable’, meaning viewing travel time as time travellers can plan to spend in a certain way at a certain time. The third paper argues that the diversity of possible mobility solutions based on self-driving vehicles has been somewhat overlooked in the current literature on value of travel time. Thus, the complexity of valuing travel time for self-driving vehicles has not been fully addressed. The paper consists of a morphological analysis of the parameters that might impact value of travel time for self-driving vehicles and a deeper analysis of five plausible self-driving vehicle mobility concepts. It is claimed that not all such concepts can be easily mapped into transport modes and that it might be more appropriate to differentiate value of travel based on travel characteristics. / Denna licentiatavhandling består av en introduktion och treartiklar som på olika sätt berör värdering av restid. Vare sigvi vill det eller inte är vår vardag driven av och bunden av tid.Vi planerar vår tid, spenderar vår tid och stressar när tideninte räcker till. Det vi önskar, vill och måste göra tar tid; tidenvillkorar helt enkelt mycket i våra liv. Om det är så att vi villförflytta oss från en fysisk plats till en annan, kanske mellanhem och jobb eller skola, tar det tid. Den här specifika tiden,restiden, antas behövas på grund av behovet av att jobba, fikaeller handla, inte genom en önskan om att resa i sig (även omdet självklart finns resor vi gör för nöjes skull, där nöjet är självaresan). I och med att resan (och restiden) är nödvändig men intei sig önskvärd är det ett grundläggande antagande inom fältetför transportekonomi att människor vill minimera sin restid i såstor utsträckning som möjligt. Det är det här antagandet sommycket av planeringen och investeringarna i transporter grundarsig på. Genom att undersöka betalningsvilja hos resenärer kanman sätta ett monetärt värde på potentiellt insparad restid: tidblir pengar. Men är det verkligen så enkelt? Till att börja medär tid och pengar de facto inte samma sak. Vi kan inte sparatid på samma sätt som pengar utan sparad tid måste användasomedelbart. Det blir därmed rimligt att anta att vad man gör medden insparade tiden spelar roll eftersom tiden känns mer värd omden kan spenderas på något meningsfullt. Vad man har möjlighetatt göra beror ofta på sammanhanget och upplevs därför mindreflexibelt än när det gäller insparade pengar.Denna avhandling resonerar vidare kring frågor om förhållandetmellan tid och pengar, i synnerhet den vanligt förekommandeoch generellt accepterade monetära värderingen av restid. Tillviss del problematiserar avhandlingen antagandet att tid är pengar och frågar sig om inte för mycket fokus läggs på tidskvantitetframför tidskvalitet och att kan det vara värdefullt att reflekterakring vilka transportinvesteringar som detta gynnar. Syftet äratt undersöka om de vedertagna transportekonomiska modellersom tillämpas idag speglar sådant vi som samhälle värdesätteroch lyfta aspekter som möjligen förbises.Introduktionen till avhandlingen består av en metodologiskdiskussion kring filosofins roll i tvärvetenskapliga projekt, enöversiktlig teoretisk bakgrund till begrepp såsom rationalitetoch välfärdsekonomi och en genomgång av teman som på etteller annat sätt berör värdering av tid. Därefter sammanfattasartiklarna och introduktionen avslutas med slutsatser och ettavsnitt om möjliga framtida forskningsämnen.Den första artikeln i den här avhandlingen handlar om hurförhållandet mellan tid och pengar kan bättre förstås genom attutgå från tiden som det primära att värdesätta. Denna analysoch de insikter som analysen leder till kan därefter förklara ochbättre underbygga antaganden som görs vid modellering av beslutrörande tid. I artikeln analyseras egenskaper av tid i relation tillpengar som framkommit i beteendevetenskaplig och psykologiskforskning. I transportekonomi, likt traditionell mikroekonomi,utgår man från ett antagande om stabila rationella preferenser hosindivider. Givet skillnader mellan hur individer verkar resonerakring tid jämfört med pengar kan man dock ställa sig frågan omdet skulle kunna vara annorlunda att vara rationell med avseendepå tid jämfört med att vara rationell med avseende på pengar. Isynnerhet då det finns egenskaper hos tid som är så pass specifikaatt motsvarande egenskaper inte finns hos andra typer av objekteller varor. Sammantaget hävdar vi att det enkla förhållandetmellan tid och pengar inte är tillräckligt rättfärdigat i ljuset av defaktiska skillnaderna mellan tid och pengar som verkar föreligga.Den andra artikeln i avhandlingen rör upplevelser av restid ochförhållandet mellan upplevelsen och de teoretiska antagandenasom görs i transportekonomi. I artikeln analyserar vi upplevelser av restid hos resenärer som påverkades av det plötsliga införandetav identitetskontroller vid resor mellan Sverige och Danmark 2015.Mot bakgrund av en studie där upplevelserna dokumenteradesvisar vi på aspekter av restid som upplevs men inte speglas i vedertagnatransportekonomiska modeller. Artikeln delar upp dessaaspekter i tre kategorier: (i) aspekter rörande den faktiska restatiden och upplevelser av själva resan, (ii) kortsiktiga anpassningartill rådande omständigheter och (iii) långsiktiga anpassningar tillrådande omständigheter. Vi menar att restiden behöver sättasi ett vidare perspektiv genom att se resan och restiden i ettsammanhang där planering av vardagen är en förutsättning föratt få livet att gå ihop. Ett möjligt sådant perspektiv är att urplaneringssynpunkt sträva efter att göra tiden så ‘planerbar’ sommöjligt, alltså att underlätta individers långsiktiga och kortsiktigaplanering av både restid och resor, istället för att enkom serestid som onytta.I tredje artikeln tillämpas till viss del insikter om vad som skiljertid från pengar och dessa appliceras på värdering av restid försjälvkörande fordon. Värdet av restid beror traditionellt (blandannat) på transportmedel, det vill säga om resan görs med bil,buss eller tåg. Självkörande bilar har i litteraturen setts som ytterligareresslag, ofta en ny sorts bil. Vi menar dock att självkörandefordon kan mynna ut i många olika typer av transportmedel därvissa kommer att likna de vi har idag medan andra kommer attvara nya sett till resegenskaper. Givet att dessa egenskaper är relateradetill aspekter som påverkar resenärers värdering av restidkommer tiden alltså vara olika mycket värd. Värdering av restidför självkörande fordon bli därför mer komplext än att lägga tillett eller ens några ytterligare transportmedel. För att belysa dettagör vi i artikeln en så kallad morfologisk analys där vi spännerupp ett lösningsfält vi menar täcker in aspekter som påverkarvärderingen av restid för självkörande fordon. Sedan analyserarvi möjliga (och troliga) lösningar, där varje lösning motsvararett möjligt transportmedel, och menar att restidsvärdet för dessa lösningar rimligen bör skilja sig åt. Det leder oss till att föreslåatt ett alternativt sätt att segmentera restidsvärde skulle kunnavara att utgå från resegenskaper, snarare än transportmedel somsådana. Sådana resegenskaper skulle kunna vara privat/deladresa eller om resan sker efter tidtabell eller är “on-demand“.Sammanfattningsvis menar jag att monetär värdering av tidkan ses från tre perspektiv: (i) det linjära förhållandet mellan tidoch pengar som sådant, (ii) aggregeringen av individers insparaderestid till faktisk samhällsnytta och (iii) restidsförkortningarsplats i kostnadsnyttoanalys och transportplanering i allmänhet.Transportinvesteringar görs på lång sikt och de samhällsekonomiskakalkyler som ligger till grund för dessa investeringar behöverdärmed spegla både vårt förhållande till tid idag men även hur vikommer att förhålla oss till tiden i framtiden. Rimligen kommervi då ha lika mycket tid som idag, men kommer vårt förhållandetill tid vara detsamma?Slutligen föreslår jag i avhandlingen möjliga framtida temanatt undersöka vidare, såsom transporträttvisa, aggregering avväldigt små restidsvinster och förhållandet mellan risker ochtidsvinster. / <p>QC 20200819</p>