La Crônica da Companhia de Jesus do Estado do Brasil ha sido publicada en tres ocasiones. En 1663, fue editada por Henrique Valente de Oliveira, como un tomo único que incorporaba una contextualización histórica y moral del Brasil como primer libro, las Notícias Curiosas e Necessarias das Cousas do Brasil. Fue republicada en Lisboa en 1865 por A. J. Fernandes Lopes y, más recientemente, en Petrópolis, 1977, por la editorial Vozes. A pesar de las omisiones que señala José Antonio Andrade de Araujo, es esta última edición la que nos sirve como base para el presente trabajo, ya que sus deficiencias consisten en la eliminación de algunas notas al margen con referencias bibliográficas y en la modificación de la grafía de algunas palabras, lo que no interfiere con los propósitos que aquí perseguimos. El problema que abordaremos en el presente estudio es el de la clasificación de la obra de Vasconcelos en el sistema de categorías textuales vigente en el tiempo de su producción, específicamente entre las manifestaciones de la escritura profana y la escritura eclesiástica. Sospechamos de la caracterización del texto que hace su autor -quien, al bautizarlo como crónica, lo instala en el ámbito de la historiografía-, y postulamos como hipótesis, si no una pertenencia, al menos una profunda cercanía entre la Crônica y la forma hagiográfica, particularmente en lo tocante a la descripción del Padre Nóbrega. A partir de la consideración de la Chrônica como una reelaboración de un texto anterior, más bien privado, proponemos también la idea de que Vasconcelos, mediante una serie de estrategias, buscaba con su escritura divulgar entre un público más amplio los acontecimientos registrados en dicho documento original.

Since the achievement of independence, Mexican officials looked for ways to bring together a country of many disparate parts into a single modern nation. Indeed, like their neighbors to the north, many officials supported programs to forge disciplined, productive, and selfless citizens capable of guiding the country in the future through cutting-edge educational programs. When a nearly fifty-year period of civil war and instability came to an end with the rise of dictator-president Porfirio Diaz (1876-1911), the general promoted the first sports programs to toughen up and straighten out a citizenry his cabinet believed had weakened in the country's many refurbished cities. These programs were, nevertheless, exclusionary in practice. The "Indian Problem," as many public officials called it, remained a primary concern as the supposed natural backwardness of the masses was interpreted as a societal disease that, for many, had no known cure. Diaz's presidency, which directed money and attention to wealthy urban centers to the detriment of the countryside, came to end when the masses rose with workers and women to take the government. This social revolution, which began in 1910, was the first in the world and brought to power a generation of idealistic leaders from all walks of life. These leaders took on the country's most desperate problems with creative cultural programs that were often guided by science. For revolutionaries, sports became a primary means of transforming the disparate masses into ideal athlete-citizens under a mestizo-aesthetic that were enlightened by science and willing to sacrifice personal ambition for the greater good. Officials from the military, public health, and education sectors crafted plans to mold citizens based on their visions of the revolution, but women and indigenous people did as well. In some ways these programs failed to meet the lofty expectations of the most idealistic leaders. In others, the revolutionary sports programs were among the most successful government programs created. The work completed between 1920 and 1946 in sports culture and physical education set the stage for some of the country’s greatest sports accomplishments that followed, including winning the right to host the Pan-American Games in 1955 and the Olympics in 1968. Scholars have debated the importance of sports in politics and society for decades, but even though Mexican historians have extensively analyzed revolutionary cultural programs, study on sports has been relegated to a footnote. This dissertation argued that sports were, in fact, considered a primary means of transforming the supposedly backwards masses into ideal citizens for officials in nearly all official departments.

This dissertation analyzes the impact of European liberalism on the process of nation-building in Mexico. In particular, it studies the role of liberalism in the shaping of Mexican thought concerning national identity. It accomplishes this by examining the essayistic production of four major Mexican intellectuals: José María Luis Mora (1794-1850), Gabino Barreda (1818-1881), José Vasconcelos (1882-1959), and Carlos Monsiváis (1938-2010). This dissertation aims to explore how a program deeply rooted in European culture and thought such as liberalism shaped these intellectuals’ interpretations of Mexican culture. The dissertation will also highlight how their work coincided with their pursuit of a governmental system based on liberal principles, along with the urgent need to build a sense of national identity. The first chapter delineates a historical and conceptual framework by borrowing key ideas and definitions of liberal doctrine. Likewise, the chapter traces and contextualizes Mora’s contributions to liberal thought in Mexico during the early stages of Mexico’s independence. The second chapter centers on two periods in Mexican history: the Porfiriato (1876-1910) and the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution (1911-1921). It focuses on Porfirian views of liberal education, and on the role of the post-revolutionary state in guaranteeing social and economic progress after decades of civil and military unrest. For this purpose, the chapter studies Gabino Barreda's positivist approach to education and Jose Vasconcelos’ views on the role of the state in shaping a national post-revolutionary culture based on the figure of the mestizo: a multiracial, multicultural, national symbol. The third chapter analyzes Carlos Monsiváis' retrospective reading of liberalism in the context of the downfall of the PRI. It shows why Monsiváis rescues the legacy of Jacobin liberalism in an era of globalized neoliberalism. This chapter shows in which ways Monsiváis engages with liberalism to address the question of “lo mexicano.” The conclusion of this dissertation revisits the main ideas deployed in the three chapters and assesses the limits of liberalism to articulate the problem of national identity during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Thesis (M.A. of Arts)--Miami University, Dept. of Spanish and Portuguese, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 34-36).

Neste trabalho buscaremos dois objetivos. O primeiro será apresentar, de modo sistemático, os principais componentes do pensamento conservador do Império. Tomamos como referência três de seus principais expoentes: Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos, Paulino José Soares de Sousa, o Visconde do Uruguai e José Antônio Pimenta Bueno, o Marquês de São Vicente. A partir daí, buscaremos relacionar as proposições destes pensadores com o que acreditamos serem as suas principais influências, no caso, o pensamento político francês do período em que foram ativos. Usamos como autores centrais na discussão, Benjamin Constant, François Guizot e Alexis de Tocqueville. A partir destas duas discussões, nosso foco será então de explorar as relações entre estes autores, suas influências e a forma e conteúdo da apropriação dos modelos estrangeiros, no intuito de entender como procuraram soluções para os problemas políticos do Brasil da época. / This work has two central objectives. The first one will to present, in a systematic way, the main components of conservative thought in the Brazilian Empire. We use as a reference three of the central thinkers of the period: Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos, Paulino José Soares de Sousa, the Viscount of Uruguay, and José Antônio Pimenta Bueno, the Marquise of São Vicente. Then, we intend to compare the propositions of these thinkers with what we believe to be their main influences, the French political thought of the period. In this case, Benjamin Constant, François Guizot and Alexis de Tocqueville are central authors for the discussion. Having realized these analyses, our central objective will be to explore the relationship between the Brazilian authors and their supposed influences. We will search for the form and content of their use of foreign models, aiming to find solutions for the Brazilian political problems of the period.

Neste trabalho buscaremos dois objetivos. O primeiro será apresentar, de modo sistemático, os principais componentes do pensamento conservador do Império. Tomamos como referência três de seus principais expoentes: Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos, Paulino José Soares de Sousa, o Visconde do Uruguai e José Antônio Pimenta Bueno, o Marquês de São Vicente. A partir daí, buscaremos relacionar as proposições destes pensadores com o que acreditamos serem as suas principais influências, no caso, o pensamento político francês do período em que foram ativos. Usamos como autores centrais na discussão, Benjamin Constant, François Guizot e Alexis de Tocqueville. A partir destas duas discussões, nosso foco será então de explorar as relações entre estes autores, suas influências e a forma e conteúdo da apropriação dos modelos estrangeiros, no intuito de entender como procuraram soluções para os problemas políticos do Brasil da época. / This work has two central objectives. The first one will to present, in a systematic way, the main components of conservative thought in the Brazilian Empire. We use as a reference three of the central thinkers of the period: Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos, Paulino José Soares de Sousa, the Viscount of Uruguay, and José Antônio Pimenta Bueno, the Marquise of São Vicente. Then, we intend to compare the propositions of these thinkers with what we believe to be their main influences, the French political thought of the period. In this case, Benjamin Constant, François Guizot and Alexis de Tocqueville are central authors for the discussion. Having realized these analyses, our central objective will be to explore the relationship between the Brazilian authors and their supposed influences. We will search for the form and content of their use of foreign models, aiming to find solutions for the Brazilian political problems of the period.

In 1969 curator Fernando Gamboa commissioned eleven abstract artists to paint a collective mural to be displayed in the Mexico Pavilion at the 1970 World’s Fair held at Osaka, Japan. He instructed the artists to paint large sized individual paintings on stretched canvases that when joined collectively would form a mural measuring 400 sq ft. The artists selected by Gamboa were working in a style that broke the conventions of traditional Mexican muralism. They were a generation of painters who abandoned the ideologies of José Vasconcelos and the conception that artists should be responsible for changing society. Instead they embraced the words of José Luis Cuevas and based their work on the individual’s subjectivity. The binary Gamboa raises by linking Mexican muralism and modern painting problematizes the conception of murals in Mexico. Traditional muralism focused on public spaces and state forums for social communication. In contrast, mural-sized stretched canvases, which hung on the walls of the pavilion intended to provoke an international audience, produced an alternative meaning of muralism and questioned what artistic attributes constituted a Mexican mural in the 1970s

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-06-14T15:03:32Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Ana Cecilia Gomes Mayer.docx certo.pdf: 2724679 bytes, checksum: f697f3531b4e56af6e7e351d28cbbfd0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-14T15:03:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Ana Cecilia Gomes Mayer.docx certo.pdf: 2724679 bytes, checksum: f697f3531b4e56af6e7e351d28cbbfd0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-24 / CAPEs / Na natureza, cadáveres são colonizados por espécies de Diptera e Coleoptera, que se sucedem ao longo de cada estágio de decomposição. Considerando-se a escassez de inventários sobre insetos necrófagos na caatinga, esta pesquisa buscou estudar a fauna de Coleoptera associada à carcaça de suínos em área de caatinga hiperxerófila de Serra Talhada - PE. Carcaças de porcos foram colocadas em gaiolas circundadas por armadilhas de queda. Para comparação, armadilhas foram montadas em local controle. Os coleópteros associados à carcaça foram ainda coletados com pinças e por bandejas colocadas sob o animal. O experimento foi conduzido no primeiro semestre/2010. Coletaram-se 4.279 coleópteros de 13 famílias e 56 espécies, de diversos hábitos alimentares. Scarabaeidae foi a família mais abundante com 2.601 indivíduos. Deltochilum verruciferum foi a espécie mais abundante (2.407 exemplares) e dominante durante o experimento. A quantidade de insetos foi significativamente maior na carcaça que no controle (p < 0.0001). Houve diferenças significativas na riqueza e abundância ao longo da decomposição; a fase de putrefação escura atraiu maior diversidade e a fase seca, a maior abundância. Necrobia rufipes e Dermestes maculatus (necrófagos) estiveram presentes em maior abundância nas fases avançadas da decomposição. A adição de uma carcaça provoca aumento na população local de coleópteros e afeta a estrutura de comunidades. A colonização começa logo após a morte e as espécies se sobrepõem durante as fases de decomposição. / In nature, corpses are colonized by species of Diptera and Coleoptera, which succeed throughout each stage of decomposition. Considering the shortage of inventories on necrophagous insects in a region of Caatinga, this research attempted to study the fauna of Coleoptera associated with pig carcasses in an extreme enviroment of Caatinga in the municipality of Serra Talhada, state of Pernambuco, Brazil. Pig carcasses were placed inside metal cages surrounded by pitfall traps. For comparison, traps were assembled in a local far from carcasses, the control treatment. Coleopterans associated with the carcasses were also collected with tweezers and trays placed under the animals. The experiment was conducted in the first semester of 2010. 4.279 beetles were collected from 13 families and 56 species of diverse feeding habits. The Scarabaeidae family was the most abundant in richness and in number of individuals, with 2.601 collected specimens. Deltochilum verruciferum was the most abundant species (2.407 individuals) and was dominant during all the experiment. The number of insects was significantly higher in the traps around the carcasses than in control traps (p < 0.0001). There were significant differences in richness and abundance along the decomposition, the dark putrefaction stage attracted the most diversity while dry stage, the most abundant. Necrobia rufipes and Dermestes maculatus (necrophagous) were present in higher abundance in the advanced stages of decomposition. The addition of a decomposing carcass causes an increase in a local population of beetles and affects the community structure. The colonization begins soon after death and the species overlap along the decomposition stages.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese MARIA OLINDA COSTA SANTOS CARREIRA.pdf: 9125410 bytes, checksum: 8d5c4101988968fd9a88ce6142d65e2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-11-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis is a case study of the city of Ferraz de Vasconcelos, one of the 39 cities of the Great São Paulo, ahead of the process of decentralization of the public politics and the democratization of the public space in local level. They had been taken as base authors who had studied these processes and its controversies in metropolis and the metropolisation of the poverty. The city of Ferraz de Vasconcelos was formed from a nucleus of people in the end of century XIX and beginning of century XX In the place, at the time of its formation, had been fixed immigrant of some nationalities, that had dedicated the plantation to it of fruits, had acclimatized per fifteen years dumb of the grape italy and had initiated its commercial plantation in 1942. From middle of years 50, a small cycle of industrialization, raised in the decade of 70, and stagnated in the city in the following decade. From years 70, the decline of the commercialization of the grape italy was initiated and, with the metropolisation of the poverty, the city passed to be looked by poured population groups, "expulses" of the city of São Paulo, in search of land divisions, regular or irregular and occupations. In years 90, in the place, joint habitationals of the CDHU had been constructed and the city was changed into bedroom town . With this new situation, it one ahead saw of great budgetary challenges and the process of decentralization of the public politics and had that to assume the role that was reserved to it in this process, although to present a level of sufficiently intense associativism. The local associativism had as characteristic important the religiosity and was influenced in years 80 and 90 for the Catholic Church, developing actions related to the CEBs and, more recently, for the Evangelicals Churches. The methodology of research used in this study was developed in three phases and appealed to some instruments: bibliographical research documentary and of statistical data, participant comment of meetings of some groups, advice of representation and events, interviews with old inhabitants, with militant, directors of entities and associations that participate of the social dynamics and the local politics. With the result of the analysis, it was possible to conclude that Ferraz de Vasconcelos, and probably other cities that have passed for similar trajectory, accumulated deficiencies that had been aggravated by the decentralization proposals. However, the city searches alternatives, the organized groups acts, but the results very are reduced of the point of view of the economic and social development / Esta tese é um estudo de caso do município de Ferraz de Vasconcelos, um dos 39 municípios da Grande São Paulo, diante do processo de descentralização das políticas públicas e da democratização do espaço público em nível local. Foram tomados como base autores que estudaram esses processos e suas controvérsias nas métropoles e a metropolização da pobreza. O município de Ferraz de Vasconcelos formou-se a partir de um núcleo de povoamento no final do século XIX e início do século XX. No local, na época de sua formação, fixaram-se imigrantes de várias nacionalidades, que dedicaram-se ao plantio de frutas, aclimatizaram por quinze anos mudas da uva itália e iniciaram sua plantação comercial em 1942. A partir de meados dos anos 50, iniciou-se no município um pequeno ciclo de industrialização, incrementado na década de 70, e estagnado na década seguinte. A partir dos anos 70, iniciou-se o declínio da comercialização da uva itália e, com a metropolização da pobreza, o município passou a ser procurado por grupos populacionais empobrecidos, expulsos da cidade de São Paulo, em busca de loteamentos, regulares ou irregulares e ocupações. Nos anos 90, no local, foram construídos conjuntos habitacionais da CDHU e o município transformou-se em cidade-dormitório. Com essa nova situação, ele viu-se diante de grandes desafios orçamentários e do processo de descentralização das políticas públicas e teve que assumir o papel que lhe foi reservado nesse processo, apesar de apresentar um nível de associativismo bastante intenso. O associativismo local teve como característica importante a religiosidade e foi influenciado nos anos 80 e 90 pela Igreja Católica, desenvolvendo ações vinculadas às CEBs e, mais recentemente, pelas Igrejas Evangélicas. A metodologia de pesquisa utilizada neste estudo desenvolveu-se em três fases e recorreu a vários instrumentos: pesquisa bibliográfica &#59450; documental e de dados estatísticos &#59450;, observação participante &#59450; de reuniões de vários grupos, conselhos de representação e eventos &#59450;, entrevistas &#59450; com moradores antigos, com militantes, com diretores de entidades e de associações que participam da dinâmica social e da política local. Com o resultado da análise, foi possível concluir que Ferraz de Vasconcelos, e provavelmente outros municípios que tenham passado por trajetória semelhante, acumulou deficiências que foram agravadas pelas propostas de descentralização. Porém, a cidade busca alternativas, os grupos organizados atuam, mas os resultados são muito reduzidos do ponto de vista do desenvolvimento econômico e social

Submitted by Jaqueline Duarte (1157279@mackenzie.br) on 2018-08-22T00:08:07Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Josiane Acácia de Oliveira Marques.pdf: 2842149 bytes, checksum: 4960b1871a2b6119a46e5950ce28a16a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Giovanna Brasil (1154060@mackenzie.br) on 2018-08-27T19:18:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Josiane Acácia de Oliveira Marques.pdf: 2842149 bytes, checksum: 4960b1871a2b6119a46e5950ce28a16a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T19:18:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Josiane Acácia de Oliveira Marques.pdf: 2842149 bytes, checksum: 4960b1871a2b6119a46e5950ce28a16a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-04 / Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia de São Paulo / This research presents the results of the investigation that aimed to understand, under orientations found in the works of the Portuguese author Faria de Vasconcelos, a scientific discourse to the teaching of arithmetic and how this discourse was appropriated in Brazilian pedagogical manuals and foreign translations that circulated in Brazil, guiding the pedagogical practice of primary school teachers between 1930 and 1960. To write this thesis, in addition to pedagogical manuals, other documentary sources were used, as periodicals and teaching programmes ruling at that time. The analysis was made under historical and cultural perspective, employing the studies of the authors Michel de Certeau (2011b) on circulation, strategies and tactics, and Roger Chartier (1990) concerning appropriation and representation. The instructions contained in the pedagogical manuals for teaching arithmetic – Como se ensina aritmética: didática (1933) e Como se ensina a raciocinar em aritmética: psicologia experimental e didática (1934) – were supported by the child scientific study and the subject psychological knowledge. This would be the prescript, according to the Portuguese author, to succeed in teaching arithmetic. This scientific discourse instructed normal school teachers and students to acquaint themselves with the experimental psychology studies of the moment, before teaching skills, including arithmetic. The scientific studies about children, endorsed by Faria de Vasconcelos, consisted of psychology and physiology researches taking into consideration their ideal age, maturity to learn arithmetical operations, mental capacity and rationality. The subject psychological knowledge involved adjusting teaching methods to the child’s needs. Thus, to teach arithmetic, the teacher needed to adopt aspects of Scientific Pedagogy, as application of arithmetic tests, for the purpose of measuring the child’s knowledge, to determine the causes of mistakes made by students and teacher in arithmetic. Farias de Vasconcelos encouraged in his manuals that the school became a scientific experimentation laboratory in order to renovate teaching, a proposition from the philosophy of Progressive Education. The guidance presented in Vasconcelos works were disseminated to primary school teachers through appropriations made by other authors of pedagogical manuals, being incorporated into the Brazilian school culture. / Esta pesquisa apresenta os resultados da investigação que buscou compreender como foi construído nas orientações interpretadas nas obras do autor português Faria de Vasconcelos, um discurso científico para o ensino de aritmética e como tal discurso foi apropriado em manuais pedagógicos brasileiros e traduções estrangeiras que circularam no Brasil, orientando as práticas pedagógicas dos professores primários de 1930 a 1960. Para a escrita desta tese, além de manuais pedagógicos, lançamos mão de outras fontes documentais como periódicos e programas de ensino vigentes na época. A análise foi feita sob a ótica da história cultural valendo-se dos estudos dos autores Michel de Certeau (2011b) sobre circulação, estratégias e táticas, e Roger Chartier (1990) sobre apropriação e representação. As orientações versadas nos manuais pedagógicos para o ensino de aritmética - Como se ensina aritmética: didática (1933) e Como se ensina a raciocinar em aritmética: psicologia experimental e didática (1934) – estavam apoiadas em dois pilares: o estudo científico da criança e o conhecimento psicológico da disciplina. Esta seria a prescrição, de acordo com o autor luso para se obter êxito no ensino de aritmética. Este discurso científico instruía os professores e estudantes de escola normal a se inteirar dos estudos da psicologia experimental do momento, antes de ensinar quaisquer saberes, inclusive os saberes aritméticos. Os estudos científicos sobre a criança defendidos por Faria de Vasconcelos, compreendiam os estudos psicológicos e fisiológicos dos alunos, considerando a idade ideal para a aprendizagem, o nível de maturidade para o ensino de operações aritméticas, as capacidades mentais e o raciocínio. O conhecimento psicológico da disciplina compreendia ajustar as técnicas de ensino a necessidade individual da criança. Assim, para o ensino e a aprendizagem de aritmética era necessário o professor fazer uso de instrumentos da Pedagogia Científica, como a aplicação do método de testes com o intuito de mensurar o conhecimento da criança, diagnosticar as causas dos erros cometidos pelos alunos e professores. Em posse dessas informações o professor poderia reparar tais erros com o emprego de métodos/técnicas de ensino previamente experimentadas. Faria de Vasconcelos incentivava em seus manuais que a escola se tornasse um laboratório de experimentação científica com o intuito da renovação do ensino, proposição advinda do ideário da Escola Nova. As orientações apresentadas nas obras de Vasconcelos circularam entre os professores do curso primário por meio de apropriações feitas por outros autores de manuais pedagógicos, sendo incorporadas na cultura escolar brasileira.