This study maps out and explores the reactions to and strategies of men working against men's violence against women and LGBTI people. It is based on interviews with men in gender-based violence prevention in South Africa and builds on previous research on women's organising and men's roles in feminism. It provides an analysis of dilemmas and challenges that they face and the strategies that they have developed, navigating in a feminist field and as men practising what could be seen as a challenge to the power and privileges of the social category of men. Using feminist theory and the theoretical concept “hegemony of men”, I critically interpret the potential for men to undermine men's privilege, arguing that efforts to create new masculinities reinforce the gender order and that the gendered context leaves little room for men's counter-hegemonic practices. I argue, finally, that a feminist emancipatory project is better developed by seeking identifications beyond the social category of men than within a framework of reforming masculinity.

Violence in schools is an everyday occurrence and, for the most part, it tends to be regarded as a male issue. There is little indication in media or research reports that female learners perpetrate violence in schools. Research suggests that school violence is caused by male teachers or learners, takes place amongst males and tends to be of a physical or sexual nature. There is, however, a less prominent body of international work, which has begun to explore female aggression and violence at schools. Thus far, there has been little comparable research in South Africa. The thesis is an exploratory study of female violence in schools. The subject is approached by examining the perceptions of male as well as female teachers in primary and secondary schools in Durban. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.

Men’s violence against women includes acquaintance rape, intimate partner violence, sexual assault, and partner stalking and occurs at particularly high rates on college campuses (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). Although men are increasingly becoming involved in efforts to prevent these forms of violence, little is known about their motivation and the processes that lead to their involvement. The purpose of this project was to examine how undergraduate male students become social justice allies involved in preventing men’s violence against women. The theoretical frameworks of this study included transformative learning theory (Mezirow, 1997, 2000) and feminist theory (Worell & Remer, 2003). Data were generated from six male social justice ally exemplars nominated for their sustained involvement in prevention work. Eligible and interested participants completed two individual interviews, demographic forms, Social Locations Worksheets (Worell & Remer, 2003), and male social justice ally development timelines. The qualitative data were analyzed using constructivist grounded theory (Charmaz, 2006) by the author and three peer debriefers. Findings provide an initial framework for conceptualizing male social justice ally development, including predisposing factors and shifts in perspective that were critical to their antiviolence work and factors that sustained their involvement. Participants also described integrating their social justice ally work into their identity and connecting with other forms of social activism. These themes provide a framework for understanding how men become invested in preventing men’s violence against women as undergraduate students and implications for ways to engage more men in these efforts.

This thesis will uncover how law and policy, as well as how social workers speak to their practice, shape how the Manitoba child welfare system intervenes in cases of violence against mothers. By searching for the dominant themes of "invisible fathers" and "mothers failing to protect", this project substantiates how these themes contribute to the failure of the current system to hold the perpetrator accountable for his violence. I set out to confirm the argument that men need to be included as both risks and assets in the frame of our child welfare lens when assessing risk for children, in order to realize a feminist perspective in our work with families. Discourse analysis methods from a number of sources were drawn on to reveal and analyze how the discourse of "mothers failing to protect" has emerged, and how it informs child welfare practice and policy in ways that harm mothers and children.

This thesis will uncover how law and policy, as well as how social workers speak to their practice, shape how the Manitoba child welfare system intervenes in cases of violence against mothers. By searching for the dominant themes of "invisible fathers" and "mothers failing to protect", this project substantiates how these themes contribute to the failure of the current system to hold the perpetrator accountable for his violence. I set out to confirm the argument that men need to be included as both risks and assets in the frame of our child welfare lens when assessing risk for children, in order to realize a feminist perspective in our work with families. Discourse analysis methods from a number of sources were drawn on to reveal and analyze how the discourse of "mothers failing to protect" has emerged, and how it informs child welfare practice and policy in ways that harm mothers and children.

This dissertation investigates discourses of anti-violence strategies in the context of international development. While violence against women is, of course, an urgent problem, this dissertation explores how the urgency to end violence against women is socially, culturally, economically, and politically constructed. I consider the manufacturing of urgency in three case studies of contemporary anti-violence initiatives: i) American foreign policy including what has been branded as “The Hillary Doctrine” and proposed International Violence Against Women Act; ii) the World Bank’s report entitled The Cost of Violence; and iii) the United Nation’s UNiTE To End Violence Against Women and Say NO campaigns. In doing so, I argue that World Bank, the United Nations, and American foreign policies are too often technocratic, narrow, depoliticized, and are executed in an urgent manner in the interest of neoliberal economic growth, security concerns, and “feel good” aid at the expense of more holistic, effective and accountable responses to global violence against women.

Violence against women by their male intimate partners remains a serious problem in all parts of Canadian society. Both the Canadian state and Canadian feminist anti-violence activists have explored legal responses to ending intimate violence, including criminalisation, and restorative justice. To date these legal responses have not effectively reduced the rates of intimate violence in Canada. This dissertation explores state and community-based legal responses to intimate violence in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia, Canada between 1999 and 2010, where both criminalisation and restorative justice were legislated responses to intimate violence. While restorative justice, in the form of Alternative Measures, was an available option in these cases, it was rarely applied. Criminalisation in the form of prosecution was also an option, but was applied in less than fifty percent of cases. Instead a peace bond, a form of criminally legislated restraining order, was often used. Research participants saw peace bonds as a flawed justice response to intimate violence, and described ways in which they felt peace bonds contributed to the revictimisation of survivors of intimate violence. Significantly, many research participants mislabeled peace bonds, attributing these negative characteristics to ‘restorative justice’. This dissertation draws on interviews with research participants, and existing empirical research on intimate violence, to outline some characteristics of a better justice response to intimate violence. That is; a hybrid justice response which includes models that are typically associated with both the restorative justice movement, and with the criminalisation of intimate violence. Regardless of what we call them, justice responses must take as their political and practical starting point the restoration of survivors of intimate violence, their families and their communities to full social, economic and political participation in Canadian society. To reinsert ‘justice’ into state and community responses to intimate violence, these practices need to be taken up, consciously, as a political tool. / Graduate

Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, 2008. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 72-86).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Supervisor: Elizabeth C. Pomeroy. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Also available from UMI.