The aim of my study was to investigate the nature of possible conflicts between Grade nine learners. Focus group discussions were conducted with about forty learners; boys and girls, Black and Indian, aged between fourteen and sixteen at a formerly Indian school near Durban. In these, I started by asking very general questions and then picked up on what the young people said, asking them to elaborate and illustrate. In this way, I tried to put the onus on young people themselves to set the agenda. I am interested in investigating whether learners will talk differently about conflict depending on whether they were in different kinds of groups marked by 'race' and gender. Therefore, I divided the participants into mono-racial single sex as well as mixed gender and mixed 'race' groups. According to all the participants in the focus group discussions, conflicts between pupils were very common at Grade nine levels. However, what sort of conflicts they spoke about and how these were spoken about, and especially those that related to gender and 'race', differed significantly between the various kinds of focus groups mentioned above. This paper reports on these conflicts and compares the kinds of conflicts spoken about in the different kinds of groups. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2007.

My interest in pursuing this study is based on the response to the frequent media reports with regard to antisocial behaviour in schools and a virtual breakdown of the moral fibre in society. There is a growing interest globally in the study of youth, especially because of the rise in anti social behaviour, with particular reference to crime and violence. Crime and violence being a cause for concern is also a subject of entertainment (films, novels), this is a reflection of the strong public interest they provoke. Crime and violence in South Africa understandably gives rise to anxiety and fear. Therefore it is important to gain perspective on the youths own perceptions of violence, crime and safety issues. This study is an attempt to analyse the changing nature of African youth in the township, with particular reference to Umlazi location. This thesis gives the details of youths and communities perception on the awareness of crime, perceptions of the level and degree of crime and violence and how these inform and influence people‘s feelings of safety. The objectives of this thesis are to answer questions relating to: * Individual and community perceptions of the level of crime in the community; * The role of the family in shaping and determining youth values and discipline; * The impact of the changing family and youth behaviour; * The perceptions of ordinary people, of the level of anti social behaviour. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

This quantitative study explores juvenile delinquency trends among school going adolescents in a select sample of schools. The study conducted in Chatsworth, Durban (Kwa Zulu-Natal) was developed as an exclusively Indian Township in the 1960‘s but since the 1990s more and more Africans moved into the area. Nonetheless Chatsworth remains predominantly ‗Indian‘ in terms of its demography and character. Permission and ethical approval for this study were obtained from the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee of the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal- Howard College Campus. The study consisted of a sample of 750 respondents randomly selected from two secondary schools in Chatsworth. A non-probability sampling method was followed. The main aim of this exploratory study was to understand trends in juvenile delinquency among adolescents in the area of Chatsworth through a quantitative lens. The study was carried out through coded self-administered questionnaires, administered to Grade 8,9,10, and 11 learners with the assistance of the educators at the identified schools during the Life-Orientation class periods. This study revealed that there were significant correlations between gender (male and female) and modes of punishment; norm violations; regulation violations; and malicious damage to property, followed by age (13-18 years) and modes of punishment; norm violations, and regulation violations, race (African, Indian, Coloured, White, Other) and modes of punishment; norm violations and regulation violations, and lastly religion (Christian, Hindu, Islam and Nazareth) and modes of punishment; regulation violations and malicious damage to property. The findings in this study forms a critical empirical study for future research in the field of juvenile delinquency/offending. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2014.

Gender based violence still remains an international public health and human rights issue and a concern to many. Very few studies have been undertaken to address the impact of gender based violence on men. The aim of this dissertation is to try and fill this gap by exploring gender based violence against men in the Clermont Township using qualitative and quantitative research methods. The quantitative method used was a survey conducted with 100 men, and the qualitative method used was in-depth interviews with 20 men in Clermont Township. Consistent with previous research, this study found that abused men experience different forms of gender based violence at the hands of their intimate partners. This study found various reasons why abused men stay in abusive relationships. This study also found that abused men do not report the incidents because they feel that no one will believe them and the community will ridicule them. This under reporting of gender based violence against men makes it difficult to have accurate statistics and also to prevent further abuse of men in intimate relationships. Various reasons were given for not reporting the incidents to the relevant institutions. This study also shows that there are not any institutions that provide services for male victims of gender based violence. This is of concern as this pandemic is escalating and it puts men at risk of future violence. Communities should also embark on door-to-door campaigning about GBV against men, so that the communities will know that it is happening, and that it is a threat to many families. / Thesis (M.Dev.Studies)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

A surge of interest on bullying and violence has emerged as precursors for aggression become ominously present on a global level. There is growing evidence of these phenomena among school children· and anecdotal proof of their consequences. Despite frequent reporting of the same in the popular media little empirical research is available in the South African context. More specifically in the discipline of social work, the issue remains largely neglected. Social workers are considered to be well placed in their capacity-building, therapeutic and facilitative roles. If they are to provide holistic and inter-related services to learners both within and outside of the school, it is vital that they become familiar with the dynamics of this public health scourge. The thrust of this effort was to examine the nature and extent of bullying and violence in Durban South high schools, to glean childrens' lived experiences in this regard and to investigate the structural/procedural impediments to systematic, mandatory, school wide responses. A survey was conducted with 251 grade 8 and 9 learners, where quantitative data was obtained on a range of issues relating to the nature and extent of school bullying. Additionally, four key informants were interviewed and two focus groups were conducted with an average of 10 members in each group. Interviews and group sessions allowed for a more spontaneous, meaningful and in-depth account from educators and group members. In this way, contextually and culturally rich information was obtained. Focus groups were deemed to be valuable as learners possessed 'insider' knowledge of the school and shared emotions in a less threatening environment among their peers. The reporting of bullying and violence was concluded to be problematic as current school procedures are ad hoc. The frequency with which bullying occurred was reported as alarmingly high. There was overwhelming support for curriculum changes, the services of a social worker/counsellor and for more stringent punitive measures for bullies. Educators confirmed the need for social services and indicated that the school ethos has deteriorated considerably, with general disregard by learners for authority. Recommendations include the development of an anti-bullying school policy as well as comprehensive schooVcommunity efforts that monitor and address bullying and violence systematically. This study also recommends the integration of social and academic services in promoting learner well being. The recommendations are aimed toward extinguishing any notion that predatory or aggressive behaviour is normal, in the minds of youth. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2007.

The prevalence of gender-based violence in South African schools has been identified by the research and the Department of Education has acknowledged its existence. However, little has been done to alleviate the problem. Female learners are continually victimized by male learners at school. The purpose of this study was to examine the factors that explain gender-based violence amongst learners from three secondary schools in the Inanda area. Inanda is a predominantly informal settlement area on the outskirts of Durban, in South Africa. This study has largely focussed on female learners as victims of gender-based violence perpetrated by male learners. Both quantitative and qualitative methods had been adopted through which data was collected. School records were reviewed and one perpetrator and the victim were chosen from each school. The two participants were then, interviewed in order to get both perspectives. The data collected revealed that there are other kinds of gender-based violence besides those that were identified from the records review. The findings from the interviews outlined the factors that explain gender-based violence in schools. In conclusion, some recommendations were made in the light of the findings. / Thesis (M.Ed.) - University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2006.

Though the political unrest in African schools has been broadly viewed as arising from the power struggle between the state and the liberation forces, in rural areas the question of violence should also be looked into in the context of the emergence of conflicting views between Inkatha and the African National Congress (ANC). Political contradictions have emerged for various reasons. One of the reasons has been the desire to preserve the traditional political system, the tribal authority system. The liberation forces view the present forms of traditional political structures as parts of apartheid political organs, in that, since the introduction of the Bantu Authority system in the early 1950s and later on the formation of homeland governments in the early 1970s, they have been performing the functions assigned to them by the state. However, despite the reality that traditional political structures are functional to the state, they, at the same time, remain the authentic and legitimate political organs representing the aspirations of a significant fraction of rural communities. What needs to be taken seriously into consideration in analysing the rural political situation is the fact that the apartheid policy was ingeniously designed and predicated upon a tradition which was still held in esteem when it was subordinated by the colonising nations. This tradition was then enshrined in the apartheid programme, or, put differently, apartheid was camouflaged by it. Therefore it is a simplistic view to over emphasise the functional role of the traditional political system. The desire to preserve the present form of political system could be attributed either to the success of the policy of separate development or the fear for the annihilation of traditional structures in the new political dispensation or both. This study looks at the political dynamics and how it has precipitated violent confrontation among the oppressed people. It focuses on how schools in rural areas of KwaZulu have been affected. Principals were asked to express their views on their perceptions of violence. The conclusion drawn from respondents is that pupils are defiant because parents and teachers have been unable to fight for the rights of their children. For example they have been unable to provide them with adequate education. The author ends by recommending that parents and teachers should take up their rightful places in society. That is they should take upon themselves the responsibility of providing adequate education for the children. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of Natal, 1992.

The political violence and vigilante activities that characterised Natal and Zululand between 1985 and 1996 had numerous causes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 contributed to the rise of vigilantism and political violence. The formation of the Congress of the South African Trade Union (COSATU) in 1985 compounded this situation. Both these movements were known to be sympathetic to the African National Congress (ANC), which was still banned at the time of their formation; hence they had similar objectives to the ANC. During this time, Inkatha was the only strong Black political movement in the country, and particularly in Natal and Zululand. The Inkatha movement and its leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi regarded the formation of the UDF and COSATU in 1985 as a challenge to the hegemony of Inkatha in the region, following his fall-out with the ANC leadership in exile. Local leadership of political movements, namely, UDF and COSATU on one hand and Inkatha on the other, mobilised their support-base and took arms against each other. The lifting of the State of Emergency in 1986 intensified political violence and vigilante activities in the region. The Natal Midlands’ violence saw a high number of deaths and causalities. Local communities as well such as Vulindlela suffered a great deal. Clan faction fights were characteristic of KwaShange in the period 1940s-1970s, but from the late 1980s onwards (especially 1987) political unrest and struggle against the Nationalist apartheid regime changed into conflict between Inkatha and the UDF, which gradually worsened into civil war. In the course of my previous studies in KwaShange I discovered that the violence had impacted upon families and inter-generational relationships. According to some senior residents’ thinking, a number of youths were ill disciplined. Issues of disciplining of youths had obscured the political struggle and violence, making it hard to disentangle them. When researching memories of the violence, I found that persons spoke of different incidents within this struggle period and described their violent nature and how it had impacted on families’ survival, both psychologically and physically. The interviewees kept saying that it was hard to forget the memories engendered by their horrific experiences. The South African Government was accused of secretly provoking acts of violence in Natal and Zululand and was furthermore accused of having sent IFP troops to the Caprivi in Namibia for training in guerrilla combat. The Government later acknowledged this, explaining that the Natal Legislature needed specially trained forces for its officials. The unbanning of political parties and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990 saw KwaZulu- Natal entering a new phase of random vigilante activities and violence. The security forces (the South African Police and the South African Defence Force) were accused of supporting IFP vigilantes. All this led to the “Seven Days War” in 1990 in the Midlands, particularly in KwaVulindlela. In KwaShange this violence, from 1986 until 1996, created divisions in families and the community. Many people lost their lives. All efforts to put an end to the violence and vigilantism failed. The announcement that the first democratic election in South Africa was to be held in 1994 triggered more violence in Vulindlela. Exhaustion in the area, and a national climate which promoted peace were elements which eventually brought the conflict to an end. Socially and economically, the area is still experiencing problems. Survivors and generations born during and after the turmoil talk about endless psychological and emotional suffering born during this turmoil. My contention is that trauma experienced as a result of this violence and its consequences influenced the lives of all persons affected by it, and that this was transmitted across generations, through whole families and communities. It must be realized that these people and their families were affected for a long time, and many are still traumatised. The social structure of the community has been affected by it and by implication that of successive generations will also be affected. This study describes and analyses political violence in KwaShange and investigates how it is remembered by the survivors. It also attempts to answer the question of how communities, families and individuals survived these traumatic experiences, how they coped (or failed to cope) with their experiences, both then and fifteen years after the end of violence. By focusing on KwaShange as a case study of political violence in KwaZulu-Natal, I hope to determine what was in play in the province, and find a common pattern underlying the dynamics of the conflicts. Pre-civil war divisions have not, up to the present, been confronted, and these fuelled the political affiliations that were a response to the struggle against the apartheid regime. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

Intimate partner violence remains an international public health concern and a human right issue. Fewer studies have been undertaken to address the impact of partner violence on the well being of female university students. The focus has been mainly on adults’ intimate relationships such as marriage and cohabitation. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the factors contributing to the perpetration of intimate partner violence among female university students in Durban. It also seeks to understand the consequences of partner violence as well as barriers in reducing partner violence among female university. The study used mixed methods of data collection. 15 in-depth interviews and three focus groups discussions were conducted in Durban. Consistent with previous research, this study found that young female university students do experience different forms of intimate partner violence, such as physical violence, sexual and verbal abuse by an intimate partner. It also shows various consequences associated with the perpetration of violence against them. Various reasons were reported as barriers in reducing partner violence against female university students. Young women accept partner violence as normal in intimate relationships. Some cases of violence are not reported in law enforcement institutions by young women which make it difficult to prevent partner violence in intimate relationships. These serve as a cause for concern as it put these women at risk of future violence. There is a great need for intimate partner violence prevention programmes in South African educational institutions including the universities. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

The main aim of this study was to investigate which factors are likely to affect the probability that events of violent collective action are reported by the press in KwaZulu-Natal. The study hypothesised that the likelihood of violent conflict events being reported by the press is affected by certain characteristics of the events themselves, such as their intensity and size, and by the environment in which events occur, such as their physicai location and the prevailing political context. The study was limited to the KwaZulu-Natal province where levels of violent collective action have been the highest in the country over the past decade. This province is also home to many violence monitoring agencies, which constituted an important alternative source of information against which the reporting trends of the newspapers in the province could be compared. The main source of information used in this study was the Conflict Trends in KwaZulu-Natal project's database of collective action events, which comprises events reported by both the press and the monitoring agencies. Data on a total of 3990 violent conflict events was analysed during 1987, 1990 and 1994, in the form of comparisons between the reporting tendencies of the press and the monitors. Interviews were also conducted with reporters and editors of the daily newspapers in KwaZulu-Natal, as well as with selected monitoring agency staff members. These interviews provided valuable information about how these media operate, and the factors which constrain their violence reporting activities. The most support was found for the argument that the political context influences violence reporting by the press. Analyses suggested that in all three years studied, the press contribution to the database decreased as monthly levels of violent conflict increased. This was explained in relation to the prevailing political context. The results also showed that reporting trends changed over time. In the earlier years, the press did not appear to be more inclined to report events of larger size and intensity, or events which were close to the newspapers' base. In 1994, however, this trend was reversed. There also was no clear evidence that the States of Emergency impacted negatively on press reporting of violence in terms of the variables studied. In addition, the study concluded that both the press and the monitOring agencies had made important separate contributions to the database on violent collective action. It is, therefore, vital that systematic studies of violent conflict in KwaZulu-Natal make use of multiple sources of data. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.