Visegrád countries were forced to adopt a widespread pension reform due to demographic facts. This reform led to the creation of the 2nd pillar. This thesis deals with this new funded pillar, which should facilitate the financing of the PAYG system (1st pillar). Using comparative analysis I reveal why all of Visegrád countries reduce 2nd pillar after several years of its functioning. The most common reason for this reducing was an effort to improve the unsatisfactory situation of public finances. The abolition of 2nd pillar actually leads to a certain improvement of public debt and deficit, but this positive effect is only short-term. More specifically I focus on the arguments of the Government for the abolition of the funded pillar in the Czech Republic, which I consider largely baseless. I also discuss the possible impacts of the reducing of the 2nd pillar. Currently, the countries of V4 try to save their pension systems using the 3rd pillars, however the current form of this supplementary pillar cannot provide a sufficient financing of the PAYG system.

This thesis focuses on the topic of foreign direct investments in the Visegrád Group, members of which are the Czech and Slovak Republics, Hungary and Poland. These four countries are involved in strong competition in attracting FDI. The main purpose of this thesis is to review the investment attractiveness of these countries and provide an overview about the available investment incentives. Therefore, the first part of the paper defines the term of "foreign direct investment"including its types. Subsequently the author provides an overview about the most relevant FDI theories and the factors which determine FDI localization. The second part of the thesis analyses the investment environment of each country, for the purpose of which the following factors were taken in consideration: macroeconomic stability, investment incentives available to potential investors, labor market, transportation infrastructure and tax system. Finally, the last part concludes all finding and revises the relevancy of the theories. The methodology of this thesis is based on the traditionally used methods of economic analysis and in particular the methodology of comparison. Expert technique was used in the form of discussions and consultations with investors and investment consultants focusing on FDI in the region.

More and more attention is paid in the academic debate to the issue of sub-state entities, represented by regional governments, as partially independent actors of international politics. This phenomenon, referred to as paradiplomacy, is particularly visible in the European Union, where since 1980s regional governments have been mobilising to gain direct influence on the shape of European politics. A regional government that acts as an agent of European politics may or may not be actively supported by its central government. This thesis tries to investigate the relationship between the direct representations of the Visegrád Group regions in Brussels and their respective national Permanent Representations. In the first chapter, I discuss the theoretical issues related to regional mobilisation in Brussels by referring to the work of researchers who deal with multi- level governance in the context of the European Union. In the second chapter, I present and justify the choice of research design, case studies, and semi-structured interviews as the main source of obtaining data necessary to answer the research question. In the third chapter, I included the analysis of the obtained information, and in the fourth chapter, the conclusions drawn from it. This research shows that direct regional...

The conflict over the right way to tackle the so-called refugee crisis in Europe has proved that relations between the EU and the Visegrád Group have changed. The political dispute surfaced most clearly regarding the different proposals for a quota-based refugee relocation system - a decision which was refused by the V4. The bloc consisting of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia first articulated its common position on migration in September 2015 and several times afterwards. On the basis of these statements, one can summarise their approach as follows: (1) Protecting the external borders of the EU and underlining the importance of fulfilling the obligations for the EU acquis; (2) Effective management of the root causes of migration flows, which could help reduce the number of migrants; (3) Refusing Germany's open-door migration policy. Although an increasing number of EU member states share a similar approach, the V4 as the whole started to be perceived as a coalition known for obstructing practices. The split on the issue gave life to a new wave of speculation about the increasing split between "old" and "new" Europe and the possible shift of the later eastwards. Furious politicians and public opinion in Western Europe continued to remind the Visegrád countries of their lack of...

During the eastern enlargement of the EU four emerging countries of the Visegrád Group - Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary - joined the community of European states. This significant event notably affected not only the transformation process in the countries mentioned above but also their relations with the EU member states. The aim of this master thesis is to research the impact of the eastern enlargement of the EU on economic relations between C.E. countries and Germany, and to answer the question whether the EU accession was the main decisive factor for the dynamic development of economic cooperation between the above mentioned states. The analysis of economic relations focuses on two key dimensions: trade relations and direct investment. The government's policy of supporting the investment activities both in Germany and C.E. countries is also taken into account. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first chapter intends to analyze the integration process of the C.E. countries in the '90s and its influence on the dynamic development of the economic cooperation between Germany and Visegrád Group. The second section deals with the theoretical aspects of international trade and foreign direct investment. This part intends to provide comparative criteria that will help in answering...

The diploma thesis deals with media freedom in the Visegrád Group countries (Czechia, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary) from the perspective of professional journalists. It aims to map how journalists in these four countries perceive freedom in relation to their profession - how they understand the concept of freedom of expression, what threatens freedom of expression or freedom of the media according to them, how free they feel in their profession and what is the trend regarding media freedom in the coming years in their opinion. The theoretical part thoroughly captures the historical development of freedom of expression, its legal protection in constitutional documents and international conventions, the limits of freedom of expression as well as forms of its restriction. It also introduces the most important non-governmental non- profit organizations monitoring media freedom in the world and presents the media environment in each country. The theoretical part also pursues the perception and approach of professional journalists to freedom of expression, media freedom and other journalistic concepts and values. The analytical part then follows a journalistic professional discourse in the form of a qualitative analysis based on semi-structured in-depth interviews with active journalists from the Visegrád...

捷克共和國（簡稱捷克）自建國以來，與中華人民共和國（簡稱中國）維持著正式的外交關係。2004年，捷克加入歐盟後，兩國關係更快速進展，乃因中國視捷克為策略夥伴。 為了最佳檢視捷中關係，本論文採用新自由主義當作研究方法，從國際政經的角度來探討，而非從國際安全的角度。 本論文檢視了現任總統執政期間，捷克為深化與中國合作所採取的各種措施。捷克總統曾積極地推動捷中經濟往來以及吸引中國各種可能的投資。除了經濟合作之外，捷中兩國擁有正向的政治關係。捷克政府改變了對中國既有的態度，從“因違反人權而譴責中國以及對捷中進一步合作興趣缺缺”的負面態度大幅度轉變成致力於“維持捷中良好關係、避開敏感話題以及發展實質的合作”的正面態度。本論文藉檢視捷中已簽訂的協議以及捷克官員的言論來探討政治面的議題。此外，也利用其中一個章節來探討捷克與台灣間的非正式關係，以及此一關係如何影響捷中關係。 在歐洲的中部與西部地區當中，捷克並非是中國唯一有興趣往來的國家，本論文透過維謝格拉德集團（Visegrád group）等四國與中國關係的比較來探討中國是否給予捷克任何較為特殊的待遇。 / Since its establishment, the Czech Republic has had an official relationship with the People’s Republic of China. The mutual relationship has been evolving in recent years, however notably from the year 2004 when the Czech Republic join the European Union, which made her a strategic partner in China’s eyes. To provide the best examination of Czech-China relations, I use neoliberalism as a theoretical approach. I apply neoliberalism from an international political economy perspective rather than international security. During the current Presidency period we can examine steps that have been made by the Czech Republic to deepen cooperation with China. The Czech president has been actively involved, especially in economic engagement with China and in attracting possible investment. Besides economic cooperation, these two countries have had a positive political relationship. The Czech government has changed the unofficial approach from 'blaming China for violating human rights and lack of interest in further cooperation especially from the Czech side' into a focus on 'keeping good relations, avoiding sensitive topics, and aiming at developing solid cooperation'. This signals a dramatic change in focus for the Czech Republic. The political section of this research provides the examination of agreements and statements of government officials. One chapter of this section is devoted to unofficial relations between the Czech Republic and Taiwan and how it influences Czech-China relations. The Czech Republic is not the only country in the region of Central and Eastern Europe China is interested in. Comparing the Czech Republic to other Visegrád group (V4) countries leads us to a question as to whether China provides any special treatment to the Czech Republic, therefore an analysis of V4 countries-China relations is also shown in this research.