71 |
Interpreting the overseas dispatch of Japan Self-Defense Forces: a strategic cultural perspective.January 2004 (has links)
Cheung Mong. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-121). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Acknowledgements --- p.iii / Table of Contents --- p.iv / List of Tables and Figures --- p.vi / Abbreviations --- p.viii / Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction: Why Different Policy Responses in Two Similar Crises? --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Central Question --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Main Argument --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3 --- The Layout --- p.4 / Chapter Chapter Two --- A Theoretical Framework for Analysis: The Concept of Strategic Culture --- p.6 / Chapter 2.1 --- Competing Explanations --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Theory of Strategic Culture --- p.19 / Chapter 2.3 --- Defining Strategic Culture in this Research --- p.29 / Chapter 2.4 --- Research Method and Data --- p.37 / Chapter Chapter Three --- The Dual Sources of Strategic Culture in Postwar Japan --- p.39 / Chapter 3.1 --- Paradigm in the Ruling Level: Yoshida Doctrine --- p.40 / Chapter 3.2 --- Paradigm in the Social Level: Pacifism --- p.47 / Chapter 3.3 --- The Interaction between the Two Paradigms on Policy --- p.52 / Chapter 3.4 --- Summary --- p.56 / Chapter Chapter Four --- Japan's Responses to the Gulf Crisis: The Gap of Two Paradigms (1990-91) --- p.59 / Chapter 4.1 --- Searching for a New Identity: Four Views to Japan's Security --- p.60 / Chapter 4.2 --- The Two Competing Paradigms in the Eve of the Gulf Crisis --- p.65 / Chapter 4.3 --- A Strategic Cultural Explanation to the Reluctant Response on Overseas Dispatch --- p.72 / Chapter Chapter Five --- Japan's Responses to the Anti-Terrorism War: Moving towards An Unitary Paradigm (2001) --- p.82 / Chapter 5.1 --- "Japan's Emerging New Identity: The Notion of ""the Normal Nation""" --- p.83 / Chapter 5.2 --- Decline of the Pacifism --- p.92 / Chapter 5.3 --- Japan after the 911: Sending the SDF Overseas --- p.98 / Chapter Chapter Six --- Conclusion --- p.118 / Chapter 6.1 --- Japan Between the Pacifist Nation and Great Military Power --- p.109 / Chapter 6.2 --- The Significance and Limitation of the Research --- p.112 / Bibliography --- p.115
|
72 |
The impact of 9/11 on the South African anti-terrorism legislation and the constitutionality thereofKokott, Katrin January 2005 (has links)
Magister Legum - LLM / This paper aimed at analysing what was South Africa's response to its international obligations regarding the 9/11 events and how does such response comply with the country's constitutional framework. This study gave a brief outline of the most significant legislative changes in a number of countries and then concentrate on the South African anti-terrorism legislation. It identified the provisions of the Act that have been discussed most controversial throughout the drafting process and analysed whether they comply with constitutional standards. Particular emphasis was laid on the possible differences between the South African Act and comparative legislation that derive directly from the apartheid history of the country. / South Africa
|
73 |
Freedom and terror President George W. Bush's ideograph use during his first term /Valenzano, Joseph M. January 2006 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2006. / Title from title screen. Mary E. Stuckey, committee chair; Michael Binford, James Dearsey, David Cheshier, Carol K. Winkler, committee members. Electronic text (287 p.). Description based on contents viewed Apr. 26, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 262-287).
|
74 |
Prisoner of war or illegal enemy combatant? : an analysis of the legal status and rights of the Guantánamo detaineesMcDonald, Nicole Reyann 30 April 2008
The objective of this thesis is to explore and analyze some of the major difficulties, challenges, and debates involved with the issue over which status and rights to afford to those detained in the War on Terrorism, in particular the Guantánamo detainees. Unlike conflicts of the past, the War on Terrorism is being waged against very unconventional enemies. Because of this, the Bush Administration, foreign governments, human rights groups, and both governmental and non-governmental organizations are currently engaged in a critical debate over which legal status and rights should be afforded to these enemies upon their detention.
If any agreement is to be made regarding the legal status of the Guantánamo detainees, it is important to obtain a basic understanding of the issue itself as well as both sides of the debate. In order to do this, three core issues are explored. Firstly, what are President Bushs strategic reasons for refusing to grant the Guantánamo detainees prisoner of war (POW) status and what are the steps that the Administration has taken to ensure that its strategies in approaching the War on Terror are protected? Secondly, what are the counter arguments to the Bush Administrations position, who is voicing these arguments, and why? Finally, what impact does the Administrations position have on how and to what extent the War on Terror is waged?
Once these questions have been explored, the thesis concludes that the Bush Administrations approach to the War on Terror has proven to be reckless. The security threat posed by terrorism should not obscure the importance of human rights. An anti-terrorism policy that ignores human rights is a gift to terrorists. It reaffirms the violent instrumentation that breeds terrorism as it undermines the public support needed to defeat it. A strong human rights policy that respects the detainees right to due process and to not be subjected to torture, cannot replace the actions of security forces, but is an essential complement. A successful anti-terrorism policy must endeavor to build strong international norms and institutions based on human rights, not provide a new rationale for avoiding and undermining them. If the Bush Administration remains on its present path, the rights of the Guantánamo detainees will continue to be violated and, as a result, threaten the rights of others who depend on the fair application of the law.
|
75 |
Prisoner of war or illegal enemy combatant? : an analysis of the legal status and rights of the Guantánamo detaineesMcDonald, Nicole Reyann 30 April 2008 (has links)
The objective of this thesis is to explore and analyze some of the major difficulties, challenges, and debates involved with the issue over which status and rights to afford to those detained in the War on Terrorism, in particular the Guantánamo detainees. Unlike conflicts of the past, the War on Terrorism is being waged against very unconventional enemies. Because of this, the Bush Administration, foreign governments, human rights groups, and both governmental and non-governmental organizations are currently engaged in a critical debate over which legal status and rights should be afforded to these enemies upon their detention.
If any agreement is to be made regarding the legal status of the Guantánamo detainees, it is important to obtain a basic understanding of the issue itself as well as both sides of the debate. In order to do this, three core issues are explored. Firstly, what are President Bushs strategic reasons for refusing to grant the Guantánamo detainees prisoner of war (POW) status and what are the steps that the Administration has taken to ensure that its strategies in approaching the War on Terror are protected? Secondly, what are the counter arguments to the Bush Administrations position, who is voicing these arguments, and why? Finally, what impact does the Administrations position have on how and to what extent the War on Terror is waged?
Once these questions have been explored, the thesis concludes that the Bush Administrations approach to the War on Terror has proven to be reckless. The security threat posed by terrorism should not obscure the importance of human rights. An anti-terrorism policy that ignores human rights is a gift to terrorists. It reaffirms the violent instrumentation that breeds terrorism as it undermines the public support needed to defeat it. A strong human rights policy that respects the detainees right to due process and to not be subjected to torture, cannot replace the actions of security forces, but is an essential complement. A successful anti-terrorism policy must endeavor to build strong international norms and institutions based on human rights, not provide a new rationale for avoiding and undermining them. If the Bush Administration remains on its present path, the rights of the Guantánamo detainees will continue to be violated and, as a result, threaten the rights of others who depend on the fair application of the law.
|
76 |
The War of Global Anti-Terrorism Analysis of The United States of AmericaLee, Lan-Try 14 April 2004 (has links)
After 911 happened,cause the global shocked,not only change the terrorism attack forms and way,but also broken mythology the Unite States native land won¡¦t be attacked by others. Terrorism violence attack is the global faced the question of the 21th,it will influence on U.S government and people life,also its friend countries and global stability.The U.S had went Through 911 event ,it¡¦s as soon as positive thinking to adjust post-cold-war period of war-strategy and to search of global military deploy, its hopes to solve religioue ,Racial, culutural, and territorial conflict, and then to finish extreme racialism, religionism terror attack event. Because of terrotorism violence actions was directed hit the U.S and friend countries benefit,the global anti-terrorism war-strategy of structural had emerged. Therefore, how to prevent and restrict terror attacks event happening again,it will to be trial and challenge the Unite States government and global anti-terrorism war- stratege conduct of actions and reaction.
|
77 |
A Mutual Construction of the International System and the Nation States within a Model of Level-of-Analysis¡ÐA Case Study of the September 11 and the War on TerrorismWu, Tien-lun 13 December 2004 (has links)
Since the mode of level-of-analysis has to be treated as an empirical tool for IR theories to make a claim to become a social science in its own right, this study attempts to explore the political process of a mutual construction of the international system and the nation states within the model in three parts. Firstly, this study examines how the international system and the national states be settled upon as pregiven scientific entities on the basis of objective spatiality of territory and borders. Secondly, this study shows that in order to merge all states¡¦ diversities and differences into the sameness and likeness, the mutual construction is linked to the plausible assumptions about the structural world of universal rationality among all states, and the unfolding history of linear and progressive evolution. Finally, this study takes the September 11 and the war on terrorism as an example to illustrate the mutual construction and its consequences.
|
78 |
Historical perspectives on developing and maintaining homefront morale for the War on Terrorism /Snavely, Christopher B. January 2002 (has links) (PDF)
Thesis (M.S.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Thesis advisor(s): Steven Iatrou, Anthony Pratkanis. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-63). Also available online.
|
79 |
The war on terror tensions in the social contract post-September 11 /Snyder, David. January 2004 (has links)
Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Political Science, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references.
|
80 |
Spain, the European Union and the United States in the age of terror : Spanish strategic culture and the global war on terror /Wilkes, Herman L. January 2004 (has links) (PDF)
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-90). Also available online.
|
Page generated in 0.6235 seconds