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This study examines the severe conditions under which local media workers produce reports for global media outlets in conditions of war and the ways in which they cope with and respond to these challenges. I take as my case study, the diminution of the Pashtun journalist into a “fixer” for global media in the U.S.-led, so-called War on Terror (WoT). Based on my experience as a journalist as well as interviews with local Pashtun journalists, I disclose a situation in which the local journalist is compelled to risk his very life to gather news; news, which further exposes him to threats to life from the two warring sides. Precarity, in this scenario, is a fact of life, which carried serious consequences, not just for the journalist and his community, but also for what is passed off as news in global media.

Given the nature of modem warfare and the impact that technology has in contemporary war reporting, the primary objective of this thesis is to identify the most likely means by which the international media will cover future military operations. Initial research concentrates on the cultural and systemic ethos of the military and media professions and examines whether any differences have an adverse impact on how they operate during periods of armed conflict. A brief review of the history of war reporting is undertaken for several purposes; firstly, to discover if any differences between the professions have had a historical basis and, secondly, to ascertain whether there is any historical evidence of the media compromising military operations when covering operations during armed conflict. It was found that one of the principle reasons why the military and the meha have been traditional adversaries is that the military sees secrecy as vital for the successful conduct of its operations. The media, on the other hand, seeks complete disclosure. In what is considered to be the first of its type undertaken in Australia, a comprehensive survey was conducted to identify how each profession viewed the other. Research concentrated on the US and Australian models, examining how modern technology has made it more difficult for the dtary to control the media than in past conflicts. Research further identified that in the context of modern armed conflict, the military and the media have predominantly different and frequently competing interests. It was also found that the protection and advancement of their interests are affected by technological changes which are redefining the nature of modern warfare, and the means and capacity of the media to report it. The way the media gathers news during conflict was shown to have changed dramatically over the past ten years, particularly with its use of technology in transmitting news live from a battlefield back to a parent media organisation. The military was further seen as dramatically changing the manner in which it conducts warfare, including the introduction of initiatives aimed at neutralising the media's impact on operational security. Somewhat alarmingly, these initiatives not only minimise possible compromises of security but overall media criticism as well. Research also found that the tensions currently existing between the military and media can be resolved by both parties agreeing to a more effective way of reconciling their differences. However, it was found that any well meaning initiatives by the military and the media to work closer together during periods of conflict will be difficult to achieve if the ever-present political manipulation of news is not addressed. The thesis concludes by recommending changes to current military and media doctrine in order that future conflicts may be covered in a manner that fulfils the 'public's right to know,' while at the same time, allows the military to conduct operations without fear that security may be compromised by the subsequent media coverage.

The world of journalism is becoming increasingly dangerous, as figures published by international media organisations demonstrate. But the Western news media suggests, that particularly Western foreign correspondents are facing incredibly high risks and cases of abducted, tortured and murdered foreign correspondents are reported regularly. The question arises “Have they become targets?” Foreign correspondence has been a dangerous occupation since it first emerged during the Crimean War, when the first consistent war reporting was established. Ever since then, foreign correspondents have had to face opposition, criticism and harsh realities. However, they have also always been highly valued journalists and well-respected for their courage to travel overseas, often into conflict-riddled areas, to report important news to their audiences back home. Sometimes they have even lost their lives in the pursuit of truth. Daniel Pearl, Christian Struwe and Karen Fischer or Trent Keegan are just a few examples of the many correspondents and journalists who have died as martyrs for their profession. As the actual data published by international media organisations, such as Reporters Without Borders, the Committee to Protect Journalists or Freedom House, suggests, it has rapidly become worse for all journalists in the last 20 years and there is worse to come. It appears as if the factors leading to their deaths are increasing and will be contributing to even higher death tolls in the future. The thesis will consider such questions as: Who is there to protect journalists and foreign correspondents? Independent media organisations are trying their best. The international press is bemoaning the many deaths and governments have promulgated laws to protect their reporters, but does that actually help? Will those attempts make it better in future? And can the Western news media apparatus itself be held partly responsible for some of the deaths?

The world of journalism is becoming increasingly dangerous, as figures published by international media organisations demonstrate. But the Western news media suggests, that particularly Western foreign correspondents are facing incredibly high risks and cases of abducted, tortured and murdered foreign correspondents are reported regularly. The question arises “Have they become targets?” Foreign correspondence has been a dangerous occupation since it first emerged during the Crimean War, when the first consistent war reporting was established. Ever since then, foreign correspondents have had to face opposition, criticism and harsh realities. However, they have also always been highly valued journalists and well-respected for their courage to travel overseas, often into conflict-riddled areas, to report important news to their audiences back home. Sometimes they have even lost their lives in the pursuit of truth. Daniel Pearl, Christian Struwe and Karen Fischer or Trent Keegan are just a few examples of the many correspondents and journalists who have died as martyrs for their profession. As the actual data published by international media organisations, such as Reporters Without Borders, the Committee to Protect Journalists or Freedom House, suggests, it has rapidly become worse for all journalists in the last 20 years and there is worse to come. It appears as if the factors leading to their deaths are increasing and will be contributing to even higher death tolls in the future. The thesis will consider such questions as: Who is there to protect journalists and foreign correspondents? Independent media organisations are trying their best. The international press is bemoaning the many deaths and governments have promulgated laws to protect their reporters, but does that actually help? Will those attempts make it better in future? And can the Western news media apparatus itself be held partly responsible for some of the deaths?

<p>Osnovni cilj rada bio je da ustanovim relacije kojima<br />se u medijima razvija empatija prema jednoj od<br />sukobljenih strana u kontekstu ratnih sukoba, a koja<br />postaje deo kolektivnog identiteta publike (MI) i<br />negativno predstavljanje druge, neprijateljske strane u<br />kontekstu radnog sukoba (ONI).<br />Osnovna naučna hipoteza bila je da se empatijski<br />odnos medija prema jednoj od zaraćenih strana u<br />ratnom sukobu veoma često manifestuje pristrasnim<br />izve&scaron;tavanjem, tako da se jezičkim mehanizmima<br />simboličke identifikacije jedna od zaraćenih strana<br />određuje kao prijateljska strana u ratu, a njoj<br />suprotstavljena kao neprijateljska .<br />Korpus empirijskih podataka obuhvata &scaron;est dnevnih<br />listova (ukupno 58 primeraka dnevnih izdanja) i tri<br />televizijske stanice (1197 minuta televizijskog<br />programa) u desetodnevnom periodu. Primenjena<br />analiza diskursa obuhvata veće jedinice od rečenice.<br />Rezultati analize pokazuju sledeće.<br />1. U najvećem broju ratnih izve&scaron;taja iskazan je<br />(negativan ili pozitivan) medijski stav prema jednom<br />od aktera koji odgovaraju oružanim formacijama u<br />sukobu<br />2. Postoji simbolički prostor sa kojim se identifikuje<br />reportersko JA, u sklopu jedinstvene grupe koja<br />povezuje autora sa identitetom medijske publike<br />(grupom MI).<br />3. Medijski stav usmeren ka vojno-političkim<br />predstavnicima zaraćenih strana zavisi od toga da li je<br />određena ličnost od strane medija prepoznata kao<br />nosilac realne vojno-političke moći.<br />4. Na leksičkom nivou medijski stav je iskazan<br />najče&scaron;će: upotrebom ličnih zamenica u funkciji deiksi, ekspresivima, upotrebom termina sa</p><p>istorijskom konotacijom i kvalifikacijama, sve do<br />ironičnih naziva i pejorativa kao karakterističnih<br />obeležja negativnog stava. Dominirajuće diskursne<br />strategije upotrebljene u tom cilju su: predikacija,<br />perspektivizacija, legitimizacija (delegitimizacija) i<br />intenzifikacija, kao i konstruktivne i perpetuacione<br />makrostrategije izgrađivanja nacionalnog identiteta.<br />Zaključujem sledeće.<br />1. Analiza diskursno-jezičkih obeležja za iskazivanje<br />ličnog stava pokazala se kao odgovarajuća naučna<br />osnova za istraživanje jednostranog odnosa medija<br />prema stranama u ratnom sukobu.<br />2.Tokom daljnjeg usavr&scaron;avanja kritičke diskurs<br />analize kao metoda potreban je ujednačeniji i<br />sistematizovaniji pristup određivanju diskursnih<br />obeležja, usvojen i primenjen od strane grupa<br />istraživača koji promovi&scaron;u različite pristupe.<br />3.Vi&scaron;estruka studija slučaja u sklopu metoda kritičke<br />diskurs analize doprinela je da se identifikovane<br />pojave mogu tumačiti u odnosu na vremensku<br />perspektivu, dru&scaron;tvene i medijske uslove njihovog<br />nastanka.<br />Rezultati se mogu primeniti: 1. za pobolj&scaron;anje<br />medijske pismenost građana i građanki tokom procesa<br />razobličavanja mehanizama manipulacije medijskom<br />porukom; 2. za uspostavljanje minimuma standarda<br />objektivnog medijskog izve&scaron;tavanja koji bi bili<br />obezbeđeni i u uslovima vanrednih i ratnih okolnosti;<br />3. za usavr&scaron;avanje kritičke diskurs analize kao metoda<br />u interpretiranju medijskog diskursa.</p> / <p>The main aim of this paper was to ascertain the<br />relations media employ to promote, on the one hand,<br />empathy towards one of the conflicting parties at war,<br />which consequently becomes a part of the collective<br />identity of the audience (US), and on the other,<br />negative imaging of the opposing side or the enemy<br />(THEM).<br />The basic scientific hypothesis was that empathetic<br />attitude of media towards one of the warring sides is<br />often reflected in partial reporting. The linguistic<br />mechanism of symbolic identification helps to<br />determine one of the conflicting sides as friendly and<br />the opposing one as unfriendly.<br />Empirical data corpus includes six daily newspapers<br />(58 copies in total), plus three TV stations (1,197<br />minutes of television broadcasting) over a ten-day<br />period. Discourse analysis applied here focused on<br />linguistic units larger than a sentence.<br />The analysis results are as follows:<br />1. A vast majority of war reports express a certain<br />(positive or negative) media attitude towards<br />one of the participants in an armed<br />conflict.<br />2. There is a symbolic space a reporter&rsquo;s I is<br />identified with as a part of a unique group<br />which connects the author to the identity of<br />the media audience (the` US` group). 3. Media bias towards military and political representatives</p><p>of the warring parties depends on<br />who is considered to wield the real military<br />and political power.<br />4. Lexically speaking, a negative attitude of the<br />media is most frequently expressed by the following<br />means: deictic use of personal pronouns,<br />a use of expressive language, a use of<br />language with historic connotation and quality,<br />as well as a use of irony and derogatory<br />terms. Dominant discourse strategies employed<br />with the same aim are predication,<br />perspectivization, legitimization (delegitimatizon),<br />intensification, as well as the use of<br />macro-strategies of construction and perpetuation<br />in creating national identities.<br />Conclusions:<br />1.The analysis of linguistic discourse features<br />used to express personal attitude proved to be<br />a proper scientific basis for research into a<br />biased approach of media towards warring<br />parties.<br />2. Further improvement of the method of critical<br />discourse analysis requires the adoption<br />of a more balanced and systematic approach<br />to defining discourse features by various research<br />groups promoting different attitudes.<br />3. A multiple case study as part of a critical<br />discourse analysis method helped to interpret<br />the identified phenomena with reference to a<br />temporal, social and media context of their<br />occurrence.<br />The results can be useful in 1.improving media<br />literacy of general public in an attempt to<br />unmask manipulation mechanisms applied in<br />media messages; 2.establishing a basic standard<br />of unbiased media reporting which would<br />apply even in emergency and war conditions;<br />3.improving critical discourse analysis as a<br />method for interpretation of media discourse.</p>

The press coverage of any armed conflict has traditionally played a crucial role during times of war since major abuses of human rights and war crimes are brought to the public due to journalists’ coverage. When Russia invaded Ukraine on the 24th of February 2022, it dominated the news for weeks since many parts of the world were heavily affected. Many scholars have investigated the challenges that come when reporting on wars and conflicts. There are, however, few studies that have focused on Serbian journalists. Therefore, this study sets out to investigate how Serbian journalists cover the war in Ukraine and what influences their reporting by conducting in-depth interviews with seven journalists working the political beat. Nygren et al. (2018) found that journalistic culture and political context direct and shape the coverage to a large extent. Therefore, Thomas Hanitzsch’s model of journalism culture (2007) is used as the main theoretical framework of the project.   The study has shown that Serbian journalists generally believe that staying objective and presenting all sides of the conflict should guide the coverage of the war. However, they are put in a difficult position because of their country’s conflicted stance: Serbia has ties to Russia and the EU; it condemned the war in Ukraine but refused to impose sanctions on the aggressor. Consistent with the previous literature, the study found that Serbia’s political-historical context shapes the journalistic coverage when reporting on the conflict. Journalists are generally critical of their government but tend to agree with it when discussing the war. This finding can be linked to the NATO bombing of Belgrade in 1999 and the Serbian economy, which heavily depends on Russian oil, gas, and investments and would considerably decline if Serbian sanctions were imposed on Russia. Although, when counteracting propaganda, fake news, and disinformation, some Serbian journalists took a more active and assertive role in reporting on behalf of the socially disadvantaged, which in this case was the Ukrainian people who were underrepresented in the media coverage.

Based on qualitative, semi-structured interviews with six journalists from five different editorial offices in Sweden, this study explores the journalists’ role perceptions and professional ideals in relation to their reporting of the war in Ukraine and its refugees. Three research questions were formulated to find out which ideals the journalists subscribe to (on a general level), whether they are perceived differently in relation to war reporting than other genres and, lastly, which ideals the journalists found to be the most important when reporting about the Ukrainian refugees and the war. The theoretical framework, consisting of sociological perspectives and Hanitzsch and Vos (2017) process model of journalistic roles, was applied in the analysis. This study shows that the professional ideals that have been identified and established by previous research, such as informing the public and reporting objectively, remain important also during a war situation. What might change, is the extent to which the ideals are followed. Reporting the truth was more emphasized in the context of a war, while presenting different opinions and sides was considered less important. The ideal of supporting democracy was found to be given precedence over objectivity in the case of the war in Ukraine. Arousing compassion for the Ukrainians and raising the underrepresented was also deemed meaningful. This study highlights the situational aspect of journalistic roles and ideals, suggesting that they are not quite as stable and homogenous as they have been made out to be, which can be further examined in other contexts.

The master thesis examines the war reporting of two Czech dailies (Mladá fronta DNES and Právo), specifically their coverage of the Czech Army mission and deployment in Afghanistan. In the theoretical part the quality of reporting, topic and factors that influence the journalist work are considered. A major theme is the relationship of media and political elites and some of its manifestations - the CNN effect connected with the media and public push on the departure of US military from Vietnam, and peace- journalism a concept of reporting on wars by exploiting more themes like reconstruction and peaceful solutions rather than war and combat. The quantitative analysis aims to verify these phenomenon in the Czech media. This is done mainly by analysing the reports sources and looking for the presence of three frames derived from the theoretical literature on this topic: heroic framing applied on Czech soldiers, national framing reflecting the national interests, and humanitarian and development aid framing.

The diploma thesis Comparation of the coverage of war conflicts in Yemen and Syria by the Czech media examines to what extent and in what way two wars, which have been going on for several years and are among the biggest humanitarian crises of the present, are reflected in selected media. The conflicts under investigation are the war in Syria and the war in Yemen. The aim of the thesis was to prove that although the two wars are comparable in many aspects, there is a considerable difference between their media coverage. The theoretical part summarizes and defines important concepts accompanying news and news selection and their impact, the role of the media in war and other concepts such as ideology or propaganda. The research part examines the individual reports of three selected news sites, which are Aktuálně.cz, Novinky.cz and iDnes.cz. Based on four theoretical bases, the variables in media content of selected media were investigated. Based on the analysis it was found that the Syrian conflict in the media space gets much more attention than the Yemeni conflict. Furthermore, it was found that while the war in Syria is most often put into the context of the actions of state actors, the most common theme of the reports on the war in Yemen is the development of the conflict. The third hypothesis...