Japanese <i>wh</i>-questions always exhibit focus intonation (FI). Furthermore, the domain of FI exhibits a correspondence to the <i>wh</i>-scope. I propose that this phonology-semantics correspondence is a result of the cyclic computation of FI, which is explained under the notion of <i>Multiple Spell-Out</i> in the recent Minimalist framework. The proposed analysis makes two predictions: (1) embedding of an FI into another is possible; (2) (overt) movement of a <i>wh</i>-phrase to a phase edge position causes a mismatch between FI and <i>wh</i>-scope. Both predictions are tested experimentally, and shown to be borne out.

A investigação de variáveis sintáticas e morfossintáticas dentro do quadro da Sociolinguística Varicionista tem recebido, em geral, menor atenção do que o estudo de variáveis fonológicas. Este trabalho analisa a variação entreo quatro estruturas de Interrogativas-Q em amostras de fala e de escrita do português paulistano contemporâneo: (i) interrogativas-qu (\"Onde você mora?\"); (ii) interrogativas qu-que (\"Onde que você mora?\"); (iii)interrogativas é que (\"Onde é que você mora?\"); e (iv) interrogativas qu-in-situ (\"Você mora onde?\"). A equivalência semântica entre as formas interrogativas se estabelece através do conceito de pressuposição do falante (Stalnaker, 2002). Além disso, este trabalho propõe o conceito de competência comunicativa (Hymes, 1991[1979]) como critério para determinar o envelope de variação: diferentes estruturas são consideradas variantes se forem factualmente possíveis, factíveis, adequadas e empregadas nos mesmos contextos. A análise qualitativa com base nesses conceitos define dois envelopes de variação-e, portanto, duas variáveis: uma que envolve a alternância na posição do constituinte interrogativo (in situ ou não), e outra que encerra as três estruturas com constituinte interrogativo pré-verbal (-qu, qu-que e é-que). Os resultados das análises quantitativas mostram que interrogativas qu-in-situ são favorecidas principalmente por fatores morfossintáticos e discursivo-pragamáticos; fatores extralinguísticos, como sexo/genêro e a faixa etária do falante , também se correlacionam indiretamente através do emprego de diferentes discursivas. O uso de interrogativas qu-que, por sua vez, demonstra uma provável mudança linguística em progresso, uma vez que a análise em tempo aparente revela o favorecimento da estrutura por falantes mais jovens. Neste caso, a variação é influenciada principalmente por fatores sintáticos e prosódicos. Além de propor critérios para o estudo de variáveis morfossintáticas, este trabalho discute os resultados das análises quantitativas em perspectiva com outros níveis de variação linguística, com vistas a integra-los em um quadro mais amplo da Teoria da Variação. / The investigation of syntactic and morphosyntactic variables within the framework of Variationist ociolinguistics has received, in general, less attention than the study of phonological variables. This study analyses variation amaong four different structures of Wh-interrogatives in the speech and writing of native paulistanos: (i) \'simple\'wh-interrogatives (as in Onde você mora? \'Where you live?\'); (ii) wh-que interrogatives ( as in Onde você mora? \'Where-that you live?\'); (iii) cleft wh-interrogatives (as in Onde é que você mora? \'Where is-it that you live?\'); and (iv) wh-in-situ (as in Você mora onde? \'You live where?\'). Semantic equivalence among the four structures is established through the concept of speaker\'s pressupposition (Stalnaker, 2002). Further, this study proposes the concept of communicative competence (Hymes, 1991 [1979]) as a criterium for determining the envelope of variation: different structures are considered variants if they are factually possible, feasible, appropriate, and performed in the same contexts. The qualitative analysis based on these concepts defines two different envelopes of variation - hence, two variables: one which involves the alternation in the position of the wh-word (in situ vs. moved), and another which comises the three structures with a moved wh-word (\'simple\', wh-que and cleft -wh). Results of the quantitative analyses show that wh-in-situ is mostly favored by morphosyntactic and discourse-pragmatic factors, and that non-linguistic factor groups such as gender and age are also indirectly correlated with the variantion through the use of different discourse strategies. The use of wh-que, on the other hand, is probably undergoing change, as apparent time analyses show a avoring effect by younger speakers. Variation in this case is mostly influenced by syntactic and prosodic factors. In addition to proposing criteria to the study of morphosyntactic variables, this dissertation discusses the results of the quantitative analyses in relation to other levels of linguistic variation, aiming at their integration into a larger framework of Variotion Theory.

A investigação de variáveis sintáticas e morfossintáticas dentro do quadro da Sociolinguística Varicionista tem recebido, em geral, menor atenção do que o estudo de variáveis fonológicas. Este trabalho analisa a variação entreo quatro estruturas de Interrogativas-Q em amostras de fala e de escrita do português paulistano contemporâneo: (i) interrogativas-qu (\"Onde você mora?\"); (ii) interrogativas qu-que (\"Onde que você mora?\"); (iii)interrogativas é que (\"Onde é que você mora?\"); e (iv) interrogativas qu-in-situ (\"Você mora onde?\"). A equivalência semântica entre as formas interrogativas se estabelece através do conceito de pressuposição do falante (Stalnaker, 2002). Além disso, este trabalho propõe o conceito de competência comunicativa (Hymes, 1991[1979]) como critério para determinar o envelope de variação: diferentes estruturas são consideradas variantes se forem factualmente possíveis, factíveis, adequadas e empregadas nos mesmos contextos. A análise qualitativa com base nesses conceitos define dois envelopes de variação-e, portanto, duas variáveis: uma que envolve a alternância na posição do constituinte interrogativo (in situ ou não), e outra que encerra as três estruturas com constituinte interrogativo pré-verbal (-qu, qu-que e é-que). Os resultados das análises quantitativas mostram que interrogativas qu-in-situ são favorecidas principalmente por fatores morfossintáticos e discursivo-pragamáticos; fatores extralinguísticos, como sexo/genêro e a faixa etária do falante , também se correlacionam indiretamente através do emprego de diferentes discursivas. O uso de interrogativas qu-que, por sua vez, demonstra uma provável mudança linguística em progresso, uma vez que a análise em tempo aparente revela o favorecimento da estrutura por falantes mais jovens. Neste caso, a variação é influenciada principalmente por fatores sintáticos e prosódicos. Além de propor critérios para o estudo de variáveis morfossintáticas, este trabalho discute os resultados das análises quantitativas em perspectiva com outros níveis de variação linguística, com vistas a integra-los em um quadro mais amplo da Teoria da Variação. / The investigation of syntactic and morphosyntactic variables within the framework of Variationist ociolinguistics has received, in general, less attention than the study of phonological variables. This study analyses variation amaong four different structures of Wh-interrogatives in the speech and writing of native paulistanos: (i) \'simple\'wh-interrogatives (as in Onde você mora? \'Where you live?\'); (ii) wh-que interrogatives ( as in Onde você mora? \'Where-that you live?\'); (iii) cleft wh-interrogatives (as in Onde é que você mora? \'Where is-it that you live?\'); and (iv) wh-in-situ (as in Você mora onde? \'You live where?\'). Semantic equivalence among the four structures is established through the concept of speaker\'s pressupposition (Stalnaker, 2002). Further, this study proposes the concept of communicative competence (Hymes, 1991 [1979]) as a criterium for determining the envelope of variation: different structures are considered variants if they are factually possible, feasible, appropriate, and performed in the same contexts. The qualitative analysis based on these concepts defines two different envelopes of variation - hence, two variables: one which involves the alternation in the position of the wh-word (in situ vs. moved), and another which comises the three structures with a moved wh-word (\'simple\', wh-que and cleft -wh). Results of the quantitative analyses show that wh-in-situ is mostly favored by morphosyntactic and discourse-pragmatic factors, and that non-linguistic factor groups such as gender and age are also indirectly correlated with the variantion through the use of different discourse strategies. The use of wh-que, on the other hand, is probably undergoing change, as apparent time analyses show a avoring effect by younger speakers. Variation in this case is mostly influenced by syntactic and prosodic factors. In addition to proposing criteria to the study of morphosyntactic variables, this dissertation discusses the results of the quantitative analyses in relation to other levels of linguistic variation, aiming at their integration into a larger framework of Variotion Theory.

There has been a great deal of work examining the structures of yes/no and wh-constructions that has led to many important developments in linguistic theory. In this dissertation, I extend this work by developing a theory that explains how the behavior of Qu-morphemes (question morphemes) and wh-phrases in interrogative constructions in several different languages is influenced by `interrogative features.' The interrogative features are 1) a Qu-feature, which is responsible for typing a clause as an interrogative, 2) a wh-feature, which is responsible for giving a wh-phrase scope, and 3) a Focus-feature, which is responsible for focusing certain relevant phrases. The main focus of this work is on explaining the influence of these interrogative features on the positions of question morphemes and wh-phrases. In the first part of this work, I examine the behavior of Qu-morphemes. I account for why a Qu-morpheme must appear in the clause periphery in certain languages, such as Japanese, whereas it can appear in a non-clause-peripheral position in other languages, such as Sinhala. I explain how a Qu-feature associated with a Qu-morpheme types a clause and why there is variation in the positions of Qu-morphemes. The second part of this work focuses on the behavior of wh-phrases. I account for why wh-constructions can be formed with an in-situ wh-phrase (for example, in Japanese), with movement of a wh-phrase to a scope position (for example, in English), or with movement of a wh-phrase to a non-scopal position (for example, in some dialects of German). I also examine other phenomena involving wh-phrases. I show how wh-feature movement can influence well-formedness of a wh-construction. I explain why, in certain cases, what would normally be an ill-formed construction can be repaired via the addition of a wh-phrase. I examine why some languages, but not others, allow multiple wh-constructions. Lastly, I investigate the odd behavior of the wh-phrase 'why,' which behaves differently from other wh-phrases. This work is novel in that it provides a unified analysis of cross-linguistic and language internal variation in the structures of yes/no and wh-constructions.

Plasma volume (PV) rises by up to 50% in normal pregnancy, a phenomenon associated with a favourable pregnancy outcome. A previous study of pregnant women with sickle cell (haemoglobin SS) disorder found that PV paradoxically contracts in late pregnancy. A cross-sectional study was performed to determine PV (Evans blue method) and volume regulatory hormones and electrolytes in pregnant women with haemoglobin (Hb) SS and in non-pregnant and Hb AA controls. PV rose in pregnant HbAA and was significantly correlated with plasma angiotensinogen. Non-pregnant Hb SS women had supranormal PV measurements and reduced glomerular filtration rate (GFR). Their PV did not rise in pregnancy and was not correlated with angiotensinogen. Their plasma renin concentration also failed to rise significantly by 36 weeks gestation and was significantly less than in Hb AA pregnancy although aldosterone concentration was raised as expected. A general vasoconstriction in pregnancy can cause inactivation of the renin-angiotensin system and could explain this, with aldosterone being elevated by non Angiotensin II dependent stimulation such as plasma potassium, which was significantly higher in the pregnant Hb SS women. Further studies demonstrating a deficiency of vasodilator substances in pregnant Hb SS women will strengthen this hypothesis.

This thesis provides an in-depth analysis of wh-question formation in Jordanian Arabic (JA) and presents a uniform approach that can accommodate all of its various wh-constructions. JA makes use of five different wh-constructions, four of which involve clause-initial wh-phrases and the fifth is a typical in-situ wh-construction. Although wh-phrases surface clause-initially in four different wh-constructions in JA, I propose that bona fide wh-movement to [Spec, CP] does not occur in any of these constructions, whether overtly in syntax or covertly at LF. I abandon the classification of JA as a wh-movement language (Abdel Razaq 2011) and focus instead on identifying the syntactic role that wh-phrases realize and the underlying structures that feed each wh-construction. I propose that the clause-initial position of the wh-phrase results either from the syntactic function that the wh-phrase serves or from other syntactic operations that are independently attested in JA. There are three clause-initial positions that the wh-phrase can occupy: it surfaces in [Spec, TP] when functioning as the subject of a verbal or verbless structure, in [Spec, TopP] when functioning as a clitic-left-dislocated element (as in CLLD questions and ʔilli-interrogatives involving PRON), or in [Spec, FocP] when undergoing focus fronting. Thus, all instances of clause-initial wh-phrases in JA constitute what I refer to as “pseudo wh-fronting”, as the clause-initial position of the wh-phrase arises from mechanisms other than canonical wh-movement to [Spec, CP]. To account for the interpretation of wh-phrases in JA, I adopt a binding approach in which a null interrogative morpheme (Baker 1970; Pesetsky 1987; Chomsky 1995) unselectively binds the wh-phrase regardless of its surface position, whether clause-initial or clause-internal (in-situ). A major implication of this analysis is that JA is a concealed wh-in-situ language of the Chinese type although it looks at a cursory glance as though it were a wh-movement language of the English type. A broader typological implication of my analysis is the convergence of Cheng’s (1991) Clausal Typing Hypothesis to which JA previously appeared to constitute a counterexample. The recognition of the null interrogative particle, or its optional overt realization as the Q-particle huwweh, as the locus of interrogative clause typing in all JA wh-questions entails that JA employs just one unique strategy to type a clause as a wh-question, as predicted by Cheng’s Clausal Typing Hypothesis, regardless of whether the wh-phrase surfaces clause-initially or clause-internally. / February 2017

When we pay close attention to the prosody of Wh-questions in Japanese, we discover many novel and interesting empirical puzzles that would require us to devise a much finer syntactic component of grammar. This paper addresses the issues that pose some problems to such an elaborated grammar, and offers solutions, making an appeal to the information structure and sentence processing involved in the interpretation of interrogative and focus constructions.

Wh-indefinites in Chinese have received great attention and discussion in the literature. This thesis investigates the status of Chinese wh-indefinites and their behaviors in the so-called donkey sentence. A typical example of wh-indefinite will be like the following: (4) Ta bu xiang zai shuo shenme le he not want again say what LE ¡¥He does not want to say anything again.¡¦ ¥L¤£·Q¦A»¡¤°»ò¤F¡C In this thesis, accounts of wh-indefinites as variables, polarity items and quantifiers from Huang (1982), Li (1992), Cheng (1991, 1994) and Lin (1996, 1998) are provided and this thesis discusses the problems each account presents. Countering Li¡¦s (1992) work, this work argue that wh-indefinite like zenmeyang ¡¦how¡¦ and weishenme ¡¥why¡¦ cannot be directly treated as variables since they feature variables only if they appear after an auxiliary (under which situation they will express purpose or method) in a donkey sentence according to Tsai (1999, 2000), see the following examples: (5) a. Akiu hui wei (le) shenme cizhi wo jiu hui wei (le) shenme cizhi¡@ Akiu will for LE what resign I then will for LE what resign ¡¥If Akiu will resign for the purpose x, I will then also resign for the purpose x.¡¦ ªüQ·|¬°¡]¤F¡^¤°»òÃ㾡A§Ú´N·|¬°¡]¤F¡^¤°»òÃ㾡C b. *Akiu wei (le) shenme hui cizhi wo jiu wei (le) shenme hui cizhi Akiu for LE what will resign I then will LE what will resign Intended ¡¥If Akiu will resign because of the reason x, I will then also resign because of the reason x. *ªüQ¬°¤F¤°»ò·|Ã㾡A§Ú´N¬°¤F¤°»ò·|Ã㾡C (Tsai¡¦s 2000, 15 glossed and translated by the author) Avoiding treating wh-indefinites as variables, we may treat them as quantifiers according to Huang¡¦s observation. But Huang¡¦s (1982) quantifier account of wh-indefinites is also rejected because I observe that wh-indefinites do not exhibit island sensitivity. Then we are led to another treatment: treating wh-indefinites as polarity items because they are sensitive to polarity environment. Aside from the sensitivity to polarity environment, Lin¡¦s (1996) work argues that wh-indefinites are licensed as polarity items if the sentence is subject to NEEC- non-entailment of existence condition. NEEC tells us that if (part of) a sentence does not have the existential import of object; wh-words can be licensed as wh-indefinites. This faces challenge because there are cases presupposing existential import yet the wh-indefinite is licensed. In chapter 3, two types of donkey sentences are identified in Cheng and Huang¡¦s (1996) work and are accounted with different approaches-Unselective Binding and E-type analysis. Though accepting their viewpoint generally, Lin (1996) makes a distinction between one-case and multi-case reading and opens the possibility of universal interpretation in ruguo-conditionals. Later I introduce Indirect binding approach to account both types of donkey sentences. Indirect Binding argues that some quantified expression plays the role as associating the indefinite with the anaphoric element in donkey sentences: (6) [Everyone who ti keeps a dogj]i like itj. The example here captures the very basic idea of Indirect Binding: the chunk of expression, which has the indefinite a dog in its scope, c-commands the pronoun it and hence relates it to the indefinite. I extend it to the analysis of Chinese donkey sentences and discover that although Indirect Binding does not target at a particular status, the condition that the indirect binder must c-command the indefinite seems to suggest that c-commanding is the way of licensing a wh-indefinite, which echoes Li¡¦s and Cheng¡¦s analyses. In Chapter 4, I introduce wh-indefinites in Japanese and Korean respectively and conclude that quantificational force comes from the environment but not from wh-indefinites themselves, countering Huang (1982). Finally, I suggest that licensing a wh-word as a wh-indefinite is through being c-commanded by the relevant operators. It is so because of Li¡¦s and Cheng¡¦s observation of wh-indefinites licensing and also of a condition in Indirect Binding that indirect binders must c-command the indefinite in order to have it as in its scope, as I have mentioned. This thesis then provides a viewpoint that perhaps, wh-indefinites can be treated uniformly as polarity items considering that Indirect Binding approach explains their behavior in donkey sentences. This thesis also opens the door for analyzing wh-indefinites in donkey sentences under Indirect Binding in other languages. Keywords¡G Wh-indefinite, polarity item, variable, quantifier, donkey phenomenon, Indirect Binding

This thesis describes and provides a structural analysis for depictives and wh- movement of depictives in all three East Slavic languages, Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian. It gives a description of two types of depictives, those that agree in case with the argument that they modify (Case Agreement Depictives, CADs) and those that invariably show instrumental case (Instrumental Case Marked Depictives, ICMDs). This thesis proposes a structural account of these depictive structures and provides an account of the restrictions on the grammatical relations of DPs modified by ICMDs, and the absence of such restrictions on DPs modified by CADs. Moreover, it provides an account of the pied-piping requirement on wh-moved CADs in Russian and Belarusian, and the absence of such a requirement on wh-moved ICMDs. / Graduate / 0290 / amckishn@gmail.com

This thesis revisits the variation inherent to the French wh interrogative system. In La[urentien]F[rench], there are many ways to ask wh questions, all of which are said to have the same general interpretation. By looking at different types of data, historical as well as contemporary, this thesis puts forward three main findings/proposals: i. the high degree of variation is due to the use of wh est-ce que, which appeared in Old French as an interrogative cleft (Rouquier 2003); ii. between Old and Modern French, wh est-ce que has gone through a typical cycle of grammaticalisation (as described by Roberts & Roussou 2003, van Gelderen 2008a, b), while the free relative of the Old French cleft remained unchanged; iii. today’s LaF wh system is dominated by the wh est-ce que and variants (over 98 percent of use – Elsig 2009), which lack traditional wh movement. It is proposed that wh est-ce que and variants appear in a construction containing an atrophied clefted CP adjoined to a main clause containing a wh operator, whereas the variant traditionally called wh in situ is generated in a structure in which the wh element is interpreted and spelled-out in the position of Merge. In addition to its theoretical contribution, this thesis helps to bring together theoretical and applied linguistics, since it makes use of different types of data, both historical and synchronic (oral and written corpora, experimental studies and grammaticality judgements). Moreover, the conclusions raise important questions about the realities of diglossia in the French diaspora: wh interrogative variants are divided according to fundamental structural differences; some have wh movement (high, formal register) and others do not (vernacular and neutral register). Finally, this thesis also contributes to the theories of oralité (Gadet 1992), since it sheds light on a complex system of variants found exclusively in vernacular speech.