This thesis analyzes the right to reconcile work and family responsibilities which is recognized as crucial in women&amp / #8223 / s participation in the labor market. When women can not fully enjoy their right to work due to the burden of unequal gender division of labor, they become more vulnerable to poverty and male violence which impede them from developing their basic human capabilities. States should acknowledge that this is a human rights problem which is deriving from women&amp / #8223 / s overburden as primary caregivers. In order to overcome this problem and transform the patriarchal structure of the market and the family / state intervention in the private sphere is required. Two alternative reconciliation models are examined. The first is the equality driven model that encompasses parental leave and childcare facilities, which necessitate positive intervention of the state and more likely to trigger structural change. The other is the flexibility or market driven model which is based on part-time work and homeworking strategies. They target women&amp / #8223 / s participation in the labor market without necessarily leading to any change in the gender divisionof labor. The effectiveness of these strategies is analyzed within a feminist jurisprudence method. While the focus is on the international framework, including the EU Member States, the specific case of Turkey is also considered. Given Turkey&amp / #8223 / s socio-economic particularities, childcare largely depends on kinship relations and social policies regulating women&amp / #8223 / s labor market participation are market driven. The data shows that women in Turkey do not equally enjoy their economic and social rights. Therefore, by examining the international framework for right to reconcile work and family responsibilities, it is hoped that a case can be made to call on Turkey to abide by its international obligations to grant this right.

The dissertation assesses how the state is building the relationships with the child as an individual who has rights. It obtains knowledge how children as a social group and as individuals are supported by Lithuanian social policy. The study reveals the construction of one of the main contexts of humanistic pedagogies, when in the analysis of relationships between children and adults children are in the centre. Research aim is to ground theoretically and to asses empirically the meaning of the social-educational contexts of child’s rights and policy in development of understanding of Lithuanian welfare state and to demonstrate it as a paradigm of new knowledge. This is an interdisciplinary qualitative study based on a postmodern paradigm of phenomenology which analyse social educational contexts of child’s policy and rights in the development of Lithuanian welfare state in the first decade of Independence 1990-2001 and compares with six OECD countries: Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Germany and the United Kingdom. The analysis is based on Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states. The study has reveled that the pattern of Lithuanian welfare regime does not correspond the exact regime in Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states from the perspective of children's policy. The development of Lithuanian children's policy demonstrates lack of understanding of a child as an individual and creates a weak background for child-oriented social-educational reconstructions. The study has... [to full text]

La pauvreté monoparentale touche de nombreux pays développés au point que la monoparentalité est restée pendant longtemps associée à la pauvreté. Malgré les efforts de l’État-providence, les systèmes de protection sociale s’avèrent souvent inefficaces et inadaptés aux changements de la structure familiale et de la diversité des modes de résidence. Or, les situations des familles monoparentales ne sont pas semblables d’une société à une autre. Certaines sociétés adoptent des régimes providentiels qui offrent des conditions plutôt favorables aux familles quel que soit leur statut (monoparental ou biparental), tandis que d’autres se caractérisent par des systèmes moins égalitaires et moins favorables aux familles monoparentales. Notre thèse cherche à déconstruire le lien entre la pauvreté et la monoparentalité en poussant plus loin la réflexion sur les régimes providentiels. Le bien-être des familles monoparentales dépend des arrangements institutionnels des régimes qui assurent des ressources à travers les trois piliers que sont l’État, le marché et la famille. Certaines sociétés favorisent le pilier de l’État comme principal pourvoyeur de ressources alors que d’autres mettent l’accent sur le marché. Dans d’autres cas, la solidarité familiale est considérée comme étant fondamentale dans le bien-être des individus. Parmi ces trois piliers, il est souvent difficile de trouver la combinaison la plus appropriée pour protéger les familles monoparentales et leur assurer une certaine sécurité et une autonomie économique. Lorsque les gouvernements adoptent la politique de prise en charge des familles monoparentales, ces dernières deviennent très dépendantes de l’assistance sociale et des programmes d’aide publique. Dans un contexte libéral, les mesures d’incitation au travail qui visent les chefs de famille monoparentale ont plutôt tendance à réduire cette dépendance. Mais dans bien des cas, les familles monoparentales sont amenées à dépendre d’un revenu du marché qui ne les aide pas toujours à sortir de la pauvreté. Lorsque nous regardons le troisième pilier, celui de la famille, il s’avère souvent que les solidarités qui proviennent de cette source sont limitées et occasionnelles et nécessitent parfois une réglementation spéciale pour les dynamiser (comme c’est le cas des pensions alimentaires). L’articulation de ces piliers et leur apport au bien-être des familles monoparentales soulève une question fondamentale : Quelles sont les possibilités pour les chefs de famille monoparentale de fonder et maintenir un ménage autonome qui ne soit ni pauvre ni dans la dépendance par rapport à une seule source de revenu qui peut provenir de l’État, du marché ou de la famille ? Pour examiner cette question, nous avons procédé à des comparaisons internationales et interprovinciales à partir des données du Luxembourg Income Study (LIS). Le choix des comparaisons internationales est très utile pour situer le Québec dans un environnement de régimes providentiels avec un cadre théoriquement et conceptuellement structuré pour comprendre les politiques de lutte contre la pauvreté monoparentale. Cette recherche montre principalement que la pauvreté monoparentale est très problématique dans les régimes qui privilégient le marché comme principal pilier de bien-être. Elle l’est aussi dans certains pays qui privilégient les transferts et adoptent des politiques de prise en charge envers les familles monoparentales qui restent largement désavantagées par rapport aux familles biparentales. Par contre, certains régimes favorisent une complémentarité entre ce que peuvent tirer les familles du marché du travail et ce qu’elles peuvent tirer des ressources de l’État. Généralement, ce genre d’approche mène vers des taux de pauvreté plus faibles chez les familles monoparentales. Le Québec fait partie des sociétés où le marché représente une source fondamentale de bien-être. Toutefois, la pauvreté monoparentale est moins problématique que chez ses voisins d’Amérique du Nord. De nombreux chefs de famille monoparentale dans la province occupent des emplois à temps plein sans être désavantagés. Cependant, les chefs de famille monoparentale qui occupent des emplois à temps partiel sont largement plus exposés à la pauvreté. Pourtant, dans certaines sociétés, particulièrement aux Pays-Bas, ce statut d’emploi offre des conditions meilleures pour la conciliation travail-famille. / Single parent poverty has long been a significant challenge for policy makers in developed countries. Some societies have been more effective than others at developing policy regimes that provide conditions more favourable to families regardless of their status (single parent or two-parent families). As a result, the circumstances and experiences of single parent families tend to vary considerably from state to state. This thesis seeks to better understand the role of welfare state in mediating the relationship between poverty and single parenthood. The circumstances of single parenthood depend on three welfare pillars: the state, the market and the family. Some societies place emphasis on the role of the state, while others favour the market. In other cases, the family is considered to be primarily responsible for individual well being. The combination that best protects single parent families is not always clear. If governments are too generous, families may become dependent on welfare and public assistance programs. In a liberal context, incentives to work that target single parents tend to reduce this dependence, but simply finding a job doesn’t always provide a route out of poverty and financial vulnerability. At the same time, family supports often turn out to be more limited and transitory than most families need. What, then, is the best combination that permits single parents to maintain an autonomous household that is neither poor nor overly dependent on one welfare pillar? In order to examine this question, we present a series of international and interprovincial comparisons using data from the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS). We explore differences in single and dual-parent family poverty outcomes among several high income nations. We place particular emphasis on how the welfare policies of Quebec compare to other members of the World of Welfare Regimes. Our results show that single parent poverty is greatest in societies that allow well-being to depend most heavily on the market. It is greatest also in societies that offer state provisions that consist of mainly allowances and that neglect other sources of well-being. We find that certain regimes provide a good combination of welfare pillars that support families, which in turn result in lower poverty levels among single-parent families. While Quebec, like the rest of Canada place more emphasis on market than state pillar, it structures its state supports in such a way that it actually encourages greater labour market participation and amplifies the benefits of market resources for single parents. But in the same time, Quebec reports some of the lowest single parent poverty rates in the nation. In contrast, a high proportion of working single parent families in some other countries and the rest of Canada confront a high risk of poverty. When we consider part-time work, we find that single parents in Quebec are poorly protected and are at a higher risk of poverty. Yet some societies, particularly the Netherlands, have managed to use part-time work as a strategic tool to find a balance between work and family activities, where a very high proportion of single parents are working part-time jobs with low risk of poverty.

ABSTRACT  Aims:  While the relationship between unemployment and well-being is widely acknowledged, there has been little exploration of its consequences for older workers. It is also less clear whether this relationship differs between welfare states characterized by varying levels of social protection for the unemployed. Thus, the aim is to examine the relationship between unemployment and well- being, considering factors such as age and gender across diverse contexts.  Methods:  Data is utilized from the European Social Survey (ESS), round 9 conducted in 2018, encompassing 25 countries classified into five welfare state regimes (Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon, Bismarckian, Southern and Eastern), with 44 577 respondents, aged 16-90. Well-being is measured using the variable "Happy" on a 10-point scale. The analysis includes individual-level factors (employment status, age, gender) and macro-level factors (welfare state regimes). Employment status was main activity in the last 7 days. Linear regression models are employed, with a focus on both the entire population and the unemployed within each welfare regime. The analysis initially compares well-being between the employed and unemployed, followed by a focused analysis on older (55 years or older) unemployed.  Results:  Unemployed individuals in all countries reported lower well-being than those employed. Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon and Bismarckian regimes exhibit a significant negative impact of unemployment on well-being, while Southern and Eastern European states demonstrate more modest impacts. Older unemployed individuals generally indicate higher well-being across all regimes compared to young and middle-age unemployed, although the results lack statistical significance. Gender-based disparities in well-being within the Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon, and Bismarckian regimes also lack statistical significance, implying an equivalent negative impact of unemployment on both men and women. In contrast, Eastern and Southern regimes exhibit a significant distinction, with higher well-being among unemployed women compared to men. Conclusion:  The negative relationship between unemployment and well-being is consistent across Europe but varies by welfare state regime. Simultaneously, older unemployed individuals report higher well- being, suggesting that younger and middle-aged unemployed individuals may face more significant challenges in navigating the association between unemployment and well-being. This difference may be attributed to the presence of social protection mechanisms within welfare regimes, exerting a positive influence on the well-being of the older demographic, and variations in work culture, such as an earlier retirement age in some countries and lower work norms in others. The non-existent gender differences in the association between unemployment and well- being in the Scandinavian, Bismarckian, and Anglo-Saxon regimes suggest a shared work norm where women should experience similar psychosocial and economic pressures as men when unemployed. Yet, in Eastern and Southern regimes, women exhibit significantly higher well-being than men, which indicate that traditional standard of the man as the main breadwinner is still pervasive in Eastern and Southern regimes. These findings emphasize the influence of contextual factors on the relationship between unemployment and well-being. / SAMMANFATTNING  Syfte:  Även om sambandet mellan arbetslöshet och välbefinnande är allmänt erkänt, har det gjorts lite forskning kring dess konsekvenser för äldre arbetstagare. Det är också mindre tydligt om detta förhållande varierar mellan välfärdsstater som kännetecknas av olika nivåer av socialt skydd för arbetslösa. Således är syftet att undersöka förhållandet mellan arbetslöshet och välbefinnande, med hänsyn till faktorer som ålder och kön i olika sammanhang.  Metod:  Data används från European Social Survey (ESS), omgång 9 genomförd 2018, omfattande 25 länder indelade i fem välfärdstatsregimer (Skandinavisk, Anglo-Saxisk, Bismarckiansk, Södra och Östra Europa), med 44 577 respondenter i åldrarna 16–90. Välbefinnande mäts med variabeln "Lycka" på en 10-gradig skala. Analysen inkluderar individuella faktorer (sysselsättningsstatus, ålder, kön) och makrofaktorer (välfärdsstatsregimer). Sysselsättningsstatus var huvudaktivitet de senaste 7 dagarna. Linjära regressionsmodeller används, med fokus på både hela populationen och de arbetslösa inom varje välfärdsregim. Inledningsvis jämförs välbefinnandet mellan de sysselsatta och arbetslösa, följt av en detaljerad analys av äldre (55 år och äldre) arbetslösa. Resultat:  Arbetslösa i alla länder rapporterade lägre välbefinnande jämfört med de sysselsatta. Skandinaviska, Anglo-Saxiska och Bismarckianska regimerna uppvisar en signifikant negativ påverkan av arbetslöshet på välbefinnandet, medan länderna i Södra och Östra Europa visar mer måttliga effekter. Äldre arbetslösa indikerar generellt sett högre välbefinnande i alla regimer jämfört med unga och medelålders arbetslösa, även om resultaten saknar statistisk signifikans. Könsskillnader i välbefinnande inom Skandinaviska, Anglo-Saxiska och Bismarckianska regimerna saknar också statistisk signifikans, vilket antyder en likvärdig negativ påverkan av arbetslöshet på både män och kvinnor. Å andra sidan uppvisar Södra och Östra regimerna en signifikant skillnad, med högre välbefinnande bland arbetslösa kvinnor jämfört med män. Slutsats:  Det negativa förhållandet mellan arbetslöshet och välbefinnande är konsekvent över hela Europa men varierar mellan välfärdsregimer. Samtidigt rapporterar äldre arbetslösa personer högre välbefinnande, vilket antyder att yngre och medelålders arbetslösa personer kan stå inför större utmaningar när det gäller att hantera konsekvenserna av arbetslöshet. Denna skillnad kan bero på närvaron av socialt skyddsnät inom välfärdsregimerna, vilket har en positiv inverkan på välbefinnandet hos de äldre, samt variationer i arbetskultur, såsom en tidigare pensionsålder i vissa länder och lägre arbetsnorm i andra. De icke existerande könsskillnaderna i förhållandet mellan arbetslöshet och välbefinnande i Skandinaviska, Bismarckianska och Anglo-Saxiska regimerna antyder en gemensam arbetsnorm där kvinnor bör uppleva liknande psykosociala och ekonomiska påfrestningar som män när de är arbetslösa. I motsats till detta uppvisar kvinnor i Östliga och Sydliga regimerna signifikant högre välbefinnande än män, vilket indikerar att den traditionella normen där mannen är huvudförsörjaren fortfarande är utbredd i Östa och Södra regimerna. Dessa resultat betonar betydelsen av kontextuella faktorer för förhållandet mellan arbetslöshet och välbefinnande.

This paper estimates the effect of globalization on the implicit tax rates (ITR) on capital income, labor income and consumption, and the share of social protection expenditures in total public expenditures in Western and Eastern Europe. It tests the coexistence of efficiency and compensation effects of globalization on the expenditure as well as the revenue sides of government budgets. In Western Europe, globalization leads to an increase in social expenditures; however these expenditures are to an increasing extent financed by taxes on labor income. There is no effect of the ITR on capital income, whereas the ITR on consumption decreases. There are important differences between the welfare states. In the conservative regimes, social expenditures increase due to globalization, but they are financed to an increasing extent by taxes on labor. In the social democratic regimes, not only social expenditures, but also the ITRs on capital income and consumption decrease as a result of globalization, whereas the ITR on labor income increases. In the liberal regimes, the ITR on labor income is rising, while social expenditures and the ITR on consumption is declining. In the southern regimes, the ITRs on both capital income and consumption are decreasing. In the CEE NMS, on average, there seems to be no statistically significant effect of globalization on social expenditures nor on the ITR on capital and labor income. Globalization affects only the ITR on consumption, leading to a decline. However, different welfare regimes react differently: there is a negative effect of globalization on social spending in the Baltic countries, and a negative effect on the ITR on capital income in the post-communist European regimes. (author's abstract) / Series: Discussion Papers SFB International Tax Coordination