Since 2005, when the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued its opinion deeming the Israeli Separation Wall and settlements illegal, there have been significant developments in the nonviolent methods adopted for countering Israeli occupation. While Palestinian nonviolent resistance has existed throughout history, from this time onwards, there have been a number of factors that give this period its unique traits. The most central method that has been adopted by all nonviolent actors is to influence economic interaction with Israel in a way that is in line with international law, and is supportive of the official positions adopted by the countries that nonviolent activists aim to influence. While Israeli settlements are illegal according to international law, they include industrial areas that export products to many countries. Through this contradiction, nonviolent activists have found an opportunity to pressurise countries to end their economic ties with those settlements, and consequently put pressure Israel to change its settlement policies. Some of these call for ending economic ties with Israel itself, because it is upholding the settlements, and some call for ending ties only with Israeli settlements; in other words, some target the criminal and others just the crime. In 2010, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) adopted its first unilateral program that was not in agreement with Israel, and which introduced a strategy for the cessation of economic ties with Israeli settlements. This was done through a mixture of national public awareness campaigns to influence consumer behaviour, and the introduction of legislation by which it became illegal for Palestinian enterprises to have any economic ties with Israeli settlements. After starting by focussing on its own markets, the PNA called upon other countries to follow suit by lobbying government officials, parliamentarians, and financial institutions. However, this action came five years after a call for a full boycott, including divestment and sanctions against Israel, made by Palestinian civil society organizations and political parties. This call, known as the BDS call had gained tremendous support and amalgamated a large pool of members internationally by the time that the PNA started with its campaign for a limited boycott. This disparity has had a significant influence on the dynamics of the boycott movement, both locally in Palestine and globally. This research explores those dynamics. It takes an in-­‐‑depth look at the effort to end economic ties with settlements, including who the actors are, what they aim for, how they interact, and how effective they have been. The PNA’s program to end economic ties with settlements was chosen as a case study for this doctoral thesis, because of its central position in relation to the topic and the unique access to its documentation through the author’s previous role as its director.

Understanding the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is important for a greater understanding of the current state of sexual and reproductive rights of Palestinian women. Constant military occupation has been a determining factor hindering the development of comprehensive and coherent health policies and programmes. As a result of the Oslo Accords and the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement in 1994, the Palestinian National Authority was granted limited authority over portions of the West Bank and Gaza. In 2007-2008 a multi-national, multi-disciplinary study team undertook a national study to assess the reproductive health content of nursing education and identify gaps in curricular coverage and implementation. One component of this project included exploring final year nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward a range of sexual and reproductive health issues. This thesis analyzes these data and explores the demographic factors, including gender, region, and residence, associated with nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward abortion and contraception-related laws and policies. Our findings suggest that there is a considerable need to incorporate values clarification exercises as well as structured sessions dedicated to laws and policies governing sexual and reproductive health into the formal curricula of programs in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Our results also shed further light on the dynamics shaping abortion and contraception attitudes among health professions students in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

This thesis focuses on the description and analysis of the transport infrastructure in Israel. The first part is devoted to describe the State of Israel; the description of transport infrastructure in different types of transport. The final part of this work describes the Infrastructure in the region of The West Bank in regard to political dimension of construction of transport infrastructure in the territory.

Our perception, of the Omrid kings of the Kingdom oflsrael in the ninth century BCE, is based on the Books of 1 and 2 Kings in the Hebrew Bible. The Biblical author's concentration, on Omrid apostasy rather than on their abilities and accomplishments, has robbed these competant monarchs of the prominence allotted to kings like David and Solomon. Recent archaeological excavations, in conjunction with extra-Biblical sources, have however projected a different image. Excavations at the royal Omrid cities of Samaria, and especially Jezreel, have indicated that Omri, and his son Ahab, had erected immense and grandiose structures. These edifices bear testimony to periods of peace, stability and great economic prosperity. The Omrids deserve new assessments as to their accomplishments, and therefore, by means of visible and tangible structural remains, I wish to promote the persuasion of archaeology as vindication of Omrid grandeur and achievement at Samaria and Jezreel. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M.A. (Biblical Studies)

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / Jordanian - Palestinian relations are deeply rooted in history. They date back to the first quarter of the twentieth century, to the period of British and French involvement in the region in the aftermath of World War I, and the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948. Since the early days of the British mandate, the two peoples, Jordanian and Palestinian, found themselves obliged to interact with each other due to geographic, social, economic and demographic considerations. Following the decision to unite the West Bank and Transjordan to make up the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 1950, the West Bank and its people were in the process of integration within Jordan until war halted progress in 1967. This study presents the evolution of Jordanian - Palestinian relations through history. These relations have been both challenged by hardships and influenced by several other Arab states. The current peace process between the Israelis and Palestinians, which could bring about an independent Palestinian state, requires that Jordanians and Palestinians restructure their relations in order to be of mutual benefit. / Brigadier General, Jordanian Army

Our perception, of the Omrid kings of the Kingdom oflsrael in the ninth century BCE, is based on the Books of 1 and 2 Kings in the Hebrew Bible. The Biblical author's concentration, on Omrid apostasy rather than on their abilities and accomplishments, has robbed these competant monarchs of the prominence allotted to kings like David and Solomon. Recent archaeological excavations, in conjunction with extra-Biblical sources, have however projected a different image. Excavations at the royal Omrid cities of Samaria, and especially Jezreel, have indicated that Omri, and his son Ahab, had erected immense and grandiose structures. These edifices bear testimony to periods of peace, stability and great economic prosperity. The Omrids deserve new assessments as to their accomplishments, and therefore, by means of visible and tangible structural remains, I wish to promote the persuasion of archaeology as vindication of Omrid grandeur and achievement at Samaria and Jezreel. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M.A. (Biblical Studies)

The purpose of this study was to identify and analyze cause of disempowerment for the population of Palestine. The design of the research took the shape of a descriptive case study and the method used to fulfill the purpose was a qualitative text analysis. The material used for the study derives from various books and research journals on the Israeli-Palestine conflict, but most of all observational reports from international organizations. The theory used is a multi-dimensional one and is Friedmann’s (dis)empowerment model where five mechanisms; defensible life space, surplus time, knowledge and skills, instruments of work and livelihood and financial resources have been used as the analytical framework. The conclusion of the study is that there are several factors causing disempowerment following the analysis or the theoretical mechanisms respectively. These are connected to armed hostilities between Israel and Gaza, settlement expansions in the West Bank and the occupational status of Palestine. Supported by the material analyzed, these infringements need to cease combined with exterior help in order for the situation to markedly improve.

Since the 1990s, Palestinian theatrical activities in the West Bank have expanded exponentially. As well as local productions, Palestinian theatre-makers have presented their work to international audiences on a scale unprecedented in Palestinian history. By tracing the history of the five major theatre companies (Al-Kasaba Theatre, Ashtar Theatre, Al-Harah Theatre, The Freedom Theatre and Al-Rowwad) currently working in the West Bank, this groundbreaking project examines the role of theatre-makers in the formation of ‘abject counterpublics’. By placing theories of abjection and counterpublic formation in conversation with each other, this dissertation argues that theatre in the West Bank has been regulated by processes of social abjection and, yet, it is an important site for counterpublic formation. In this way Palestinian theatre has played an integral role in the formation of an abject counterpublic, a discursive and performative space in which theatre-makers contest Zionist discourse and Israeli state practices. What tactics, I ask, do theatre-makers use to disrupt, subvert and/or bypass the Zionist public sphere? What counter-discourse emerges from this site? How is such a counter-discourse articulated in performance spaces? And how does Palestinian theatre, in the logistical sense, work against a dominant discourse of erasure as well as continue to operate under conditions of settler-colonialism? This dissertation is the first major account of Palestinian theatre covering the last thirty years. Taking the end of the first intifada (1993) as its point of departure, and using original field research and interviews, this project fills a major gap in our knowledge of contemporary Palestinian theatre in the West Bank up to the present. The original contribution of my research to the fields of theatre studies and Palestine studies are twofold. Firstly, Reuven Snir’s Palestinian Theatre (2005) is currently the only book-length study up to the end of the first intifada. Whereas Snir’s book is limited to archival sources, my arguments rest upon original fieldwork (interviews, participant observation, performance analysis and case studies) carried out in the West Bank in 2014 and 2015. As such, it provides a richer, bottom-up analysis of theatre-making. Secondly, by introducing the term abject counterpublics and by placing the voices of theatre-makers at the centre of its enquiry, this study broadens discussions on abjection and counterpublic formation in Palestine.

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This thesis analyzes the development of the settlement policies of Israel in the West Bank territory by focusing on the incentives of them with factors of change and continuity before and after the peace process. The Six-Day War of 1967 which initiated a new phase in the region with the Israeli occupation of territories in Jordan, Syria and Egypt became an important milestone in Middle East history. Although some of these territories were returned through bilateral talks, the main territory of the Palestinian people remained under occupation, being subjected to Jewish settlement activities. The settlement activities on the West Bank were expanded by all Israeli governments with different incentives until the peace process. The peace process which began in 1993 aimed to form an independent Palestinian state. Among the vital issues related to the final status talks the moratorium on future building of settlements and the Israeli withdrawal from the settlements were delayed. The Camp David Summit in 2000 was overshadowed by the ongoing activities of settlement. In addition to settlement activities, increasing security arrangements following the emergence of Al-Aqsa Intifada brought about the fragmentation of West Bank territories. This study aims to analyze the results of the settlement activities in the West Bank before and after the peace process in terms of an eroding factor for the mutual confidence between the Israelis and Palestinians. The settlement activities will be examined from the pre-state period of Israel within the framework of its unilateral policies until the end of 2005.