The origins of Early Iron Age polity in south-east Cyprus have traditionally been attributed to the formal imposition of Phoenician dominion over Kition in 707 BC. It is proposed that this paradigm fails adequately to acknowledge local agency in the preceding development of relations with Canaan and the Nile Delta from c.1650 BC onwards. Longue durée trends in settlement and societal development suggest that Late Bronze Age communities became pre-adapted to incorporation into wider Levantine spheres of interaction through participation in 'orientalizing' exchange. An emphasis is placed upon the significance of bulk commodity industry as a catalyst for social innovation, including the adoption of urbanism, concurrent with secondary state formation. Three case studies examine the development of regional settlement landscapes within the environs of Ayios Sozomenos, Pyla, and Hala Sultan Tekke. Discussion chiefly incorporates the results of new fieldwork conducted by the author [2007-2009] at the site of Pyla-Kokkinokremos. This involved pedestrian, geophysical and remote sensing survey combined with trial excavation. Several previously unknown archaeological features were identified, providing significant new information concerning the character and intramural composition of this important maritime centre. These findings complement those of previous missions, and reflect an established community rooted in its surroundings. A dominant trend of continuity in settlement and societal development, most clearly apparent through successive episodes of synoecism, is proposed for south-east Cyprus as a whole across the Bronze-to-Iron Age transition. Changes in occupation throughout the eastern Mediterranean at this time have conventionally been attributed to successive waves of migration and colonisation. This thesis constitutes an attempt at a pre-colonial narrative for Phoenician Cyprus, and by extension a conceptual framework to structure investigation of Levantine diaspora communities elsewhere in the Mediterranean.

During the first half of the 8th century, people from the Phoenician Levant came to southern Iberia and founded a chain of settlements along the Spanish Mediterranean coast, as well as the city of Gadir (modern Cadiz) on the Atlantic seaboard. It is generally agreed that these colonisers came to the region to exploit the rich deposits of precious metals. Oriental style objects, which indicate the exchange between the Phoenician settlers and indigenous communities, can be found in almost all indigenous early Iron Age sites in the region. Initially, the purpose of this study had been to detect the elements of Greek and Phoenician influence in the material culture of the early Iron Age (the 8th century until around 600 BC), but as work progressed it became increasingly clear that this undertaking was far more complex than it had been assumed. The Phoenicians turned out to be only one factor in a complex process of transformation from the late Bronze Age way of life to the development of the early Iberian states after 600 BC. While the examination of the interaction between the indigenous communities and the eastern Mediterranean colonisers remained an important part of the study, my investigation now attempts to generate a more general picture of the early Iron Age in modern Andalusia, including the analysis of the social and economic processes which transformed society throughout the period. The investigation is organised on the basis of three major parts: An introduction: including the geography and climate of the region, as well as the history and archaeology of the Pheonician colonisation (with a certain emphasis on Gadir, and the excellently excavated site of Castillo Doña Blanca); as well as the indigenous Bronze Age background, and a number of theoretical considerations. The central part introduces the archaeological evidence, organised in two sections: a topographical section, describing the settlement and cemetery evidence; and a second section, discussing a selection of artefacts which, in my opinion, are particularly useful for a reconstruction of the social processes. Finally, the synthesis attempts to reconstruct various aspects of the early Iron Age culture in the region: such as the economic organisation, social development, ritual practice, and significance of the Phoenician presence for the development of the local cultures, as well as to introduce a regional division of the area under discussion.

A Idade do Bronze Ibérico foi um período marcado pela chegada dos fenícios na Ibéria. Essa população semítica fundou diversos assentamentos ao longo das margens mediterrânea e atlântica da Península Ibérica. No entanto, será na antiga Gádir (atual Cádiz), que se encontram um dos registros arqueológicos mais antigos que testemunham essa expansão fenícia frente aos já estabelecidos assentamentos tartésicos. Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo estudar o desenvolvimento da cidade de Gádir, na Baía de Cádiz, sul da Península Ibérica, a partir do contato entre fenícios e tartésicos do século IX a.C. até o século VI a.C. assim como verificar, pelo uso do Sistema de Informação Geográfico (SIG), nos valendo de técnicas de geoprocessamento aplicadas à Arqueologia, tais como o DEM (Digital Elevation Model), o LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging), Ortofotografias bem como a Análise Espacial de Visibilidade (Viewshed Analysis) para compreender como uma nova paisagem foi construída em um ambiente de intensas trocas culturais entre autóctones e alóctones. Temos como intenção, apoiados nas discussões mais recentes, averiguar a progressão urbana fenícia frente à uma hinterlândia tartésica e como foi o o processo dessa interação e sua consequência para ambos. É nossa intenção, sobretudo, trazer o Extremo Ocidente para o debate uma vez que esta é considerada uma região periférica no Mundo Antigo. / The Iberian Bronze Age was a period marked by the arrival of the Phoenicians in Iberia. This Semitic population founded several settlements along the Mediterranean and Atlantic shores of the Iberian Peninsula. However, it will be in ancient Gádir (present-day Cadiz) that one of the earliest archaeological records that testify to this Phoenician expansion in front of the established Tartessian settlements. This research aims to study the development of the city of Gádir in the Bay of Cadiz, south of the Iberian Peninsula, from the contact between Phoenicians and Tartesians from the 9th century BC until the 6th century BC, as well as verifying, through the use of the Information System (GIS), using geoprocessing techniques applied to Archaeology, such as the Digital Elevation Model (DEM), LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging), Orthophotos as well as the Viewshed Analysis to understand how a new landscape was built in an environment of intense cultural exchanges between autochthonous and allochthonous. We intend, based on the most recent discussions, to ascertain the Phoenician urban progression ahead of the Tartessian hinterland and how was the process of this interaction and its consequences for both. It is our intention, above all, to bring the Far West to the debate since it is considered a peripheral region in the Ancient World.

C'est la fragmentation des données sur les nécropoles phéniciennes qui a motivé la réalisation d'une étude générale permettant d'établir des schémas récurrents dans la manière dont les Phéniciens voient et se préoccupent de leurs morts. Ce travail a pour titre : «Les nécropoles phéniciennes de Méditerranée occidentale. Architectures et pratiques funéraires», et prend place dans le cadre géographique suivant : la Péninsule ibérique, le Maroc, l'Algérie, la Tunisie, la Libye, la Sardaigne, l'île de Malte et enfin la Sicile, et ce sur la totalité de la période phénicienne en Méditerranée occidentale (VIIIe-Ve siècle avant notre ère). La synthèse des fouilles anciennes et l'apport considérable des études récentes sur le sujet permettent aujourd'hui d'envisager une étude comparative plus poussée des nécropoles phéniciennes de Méditerranée occidentale. Si les caractéristiques sont clairement identifiées, il n'en demeure pas moins qu'elles présentent de grandes variabilités. Ainsi, d'une région à l'autre, les caractéristiques changent et les typologies se rallongent, tant du point de vue de l'architecture que des rites et du mobilier funéraire. Mais quelle relation existe-t-il entre l'architecture, le choix du rite et le mobilier funéraire? Comment expliquer une telle variabilité et quels aspects revêt-elle? Est-il possible d'identifier des schémas plus ou moins récurrents qui pourraient nous amener à une meilleure compréhension de la norme funéraire pour les phéniciens de Méditerranée occidentale, et comment elle se caractérise. Pour traiter cet ensemble de question, la réalisation d'un catalogue de données permet non seulement une centralisation, un meilleur accès aux données brutes et donc une meilleure utilisation de celles-ci. Mais cela nous permet également de rendre compte du nombre de tombes pour lesquelles nous disposons d'informations sur les sites ayant été fouillés anciennement et dont la documentation est lacunaire. / It is the fragmentation of the data on the phoenician necropolises that motivated the realization of a general study to establish recurring plans in the way the Phoenician see and worry about their deads. This work has for title "the phoenician necropolises of the western Mediterranea. Architectures and funeral practices", and takes a seat in the following geographical frame: lberian Peninsula, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Sardinia, island of Malta and finally Sicily, and it on all of the phoenician period in the western Mediterranean Sea (8-Sth century BC).The synthesis of the former searches and the considerable contribution of the recent studies on the subject allow us to considerate a more elaborate comparative study of the phoenician necropolises of the western Mediterranea. If the characteristics are clearly identified, the fact remains that they present big variabilities. So, from a region to the other one, the characteristics change and the typologies get bigger, both from the point of view of the architecture and the rites and of the funeral furniture. But what relation exists between the architecture, the choice of the rite and the funeral deposit? How to explain such a variability and what aspects does it does take on? It is possible to identify more or less recurring plans which could bring us to a better understanding of the funeral standard for the phoenician of the western Mediterranea, and how it is characterized. To treat this whole question, the realization of a catalog of data allows not only a centralization, a better access to the raw data and thus a better use of these. But it also allows us to report the number of graves for which we have infom1ation on sites having formerly been searched and whose documentation is incomplete.

Although it is accepted that Phoenician colonization occurred on Sardinia by the 9th century B.C., it is possible that contact between Sardinia‟s indigenous population and the Levantine region occurred in the Late Bronze Age (LBA). Eastern LBA goods found on the island are copper oxhide ingots and Aegean pottery. Previously, it has been suggested that Mycenaeans were responsible for bringing the eastern goods to Sardinia, but the presence of Aegean pottery shards does not confirm the presence of Mycenaean tradesmen. Also, scholars of LBA trade have explained the paucity of evidence for a Mycenaean merchant fleet. Interpretations of two LBA shipwrecks, Cape Gelidonya and Uluburun, indicate that eastern Mediterranean merchants of Cypriot or Syro-Canaanite origin, transported large quantities of oxhide ingots from the Levant towards the west. It remains possible that similar itinerant merchants conducted ventures bringing eastern goods to Sardinia while exploring the western Mediterranean. Trade in eastern goods may have stimulated the advancement that occurred in Nuragic culture in the LBA, resulting in the emergence of an elite social stratum in the Nuragic society. Archaeological evidence, such as elitist burials and increasingly complex architecture, supports the idea of cultural change due to internal competition. This „peer-polity‟ effect may have been incited because of limited accessibility to the exotic eastern goods and the „ownership‟ to the rights of this exchange.

Although it is accepted that Phoenician colonization occurred on Sardinia by the 9th century B.C., it is possible that contact between Sardinia‟s indigenous population and the Levantine region occurred in the Late Bronze Age (LBA). Eastern LBA goods found on the island are copper oxhide ingots and Aegean pottery. Previously, it has been suggested that Mycenaeans were responsible for bringing the eastern goods to Sardinia, but the presence of Aegean pottery shards does not confirm the presence of Mycenaean tradesmen. Also, scholars of LBA trade have explained the paucity of evidence for a Mycenaean merchant fleet. Interpretations of two LBA shipwrecks, Cape Gelidonya and Uluburun, indicate that eastern Mediterranean merchants of Cypriot or Syro-Canaanite origin, transported large quantities of oxhide ingots from the Levant towards the west. It remains possible that similar itinerant merchants conducted ventures bringing eastern goods to Sardinia while exploring the western Mediterranean. Trade in eastern goods may have stimulated the advancement that occurred in Nuragic culture in the LBA, resulting in the emergence of an elite social stratum in the Nuragic society. Archaeological evidence, such as elitist burials and increasingly complex architecture, supports the idea of cultural change due to internal competition. This „peer-polity‟ effect may have been incited because of limited accessibility to the exotic eastern goods and the „ownership‟ to the rights of this exchange.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Our perception, of the Omrid kings of the Kingdom oflsrael in the ninth century BCE, is based on the Books of 1 and 2 Kings in the Hebrew Bible. The Biblical author's concentration, on Omrid apostasy rather than on their abilities and accomplishments, has robbed these competant monarchs of the prominence allotted to kings like David and Solomon. Recent archaeological excavations, in conjunction with extra-Biblical sources, have however projected a different image. Excavations at the royal Omrid cities of Samaria, and especially Jezreel, have indicated that Omri, and his son Ahab, had erected immense and grandiose structures. These edifices bear testimony to periods of peace, stability and great economic prosperity. The Omrids deserve new assessments as to their accomplishments, and therefore, by means of visible and tangible structural remains, I wish to promote the persuasion of archaeology as vindication of Omrid grandeur and achievement at Samaria and Jezreel. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M.A. (Biblical Studies)

Our perception, of the Omrid kings of the Kingdom oflsrael in the ninth century BCE, is based on the Books of 1 and 2 Kings in the Hebrew Bible. The Biblical author's concentration, on Omrid apostasy rather than on their abilities and accomplishments, has robbed these competant monarchs of the prominence allotted to kings like David and Solomon. Recent archaeological excavations, in conjunction with extra-Biblical sources, have however projected a different image. Excavations at the royal Omrid cities of Samaria, and especially Jezreel, have indicated that Omri, and his son Ahab, had erected immense and grandiose structures. These edifices bear testimony to periods of peace, stability and great economic prosperity. The Omrids deserve new assessments as to their accomplishments, and therefore, by means of visible and tangible structural remains, I wish to promote the persuasion of archaeology as vindication of Omrid grandeur and achievement at Samaria and Jezreel. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M.A. (Biblical Studies)

Ce travail de recherche représente une synthèse sur la question des échanges entre la Méditerranée orientale (le monde phénicien) et le monde égéen ; une synthèse inscrite dans la longue durée, à savoir dès le début des contacts à l'Âge du Fer jusqu'à la fin de l'époque perse (fin XIe – fin IVe s. av. J.-C.). Elle envisage ces échanges en dehors des contextes de conflits et d'opposition ethnique, en dépassant la ligne de séparation tracée entre la culture classique et les cultures sémitiques, mettant en évidence les relations suivies qui ont existé entre la Grèce et le monde oriental. Deux questions fondamentales ont pu être précisées dans ce travail. Tout d'abord si la céramique fine grecque ne peut être interprétée en termes de « grand commerce international » et qu'elle ne justifie pas en soi la création d'un réseau, elle peut néanmoins être exploitée comme « marqueur archéologique de réseaux », car sa commercialisation se glisse dans des courants d'échanges établis de produits fondamentaux. On propose une nouvelle reconstitution des réseaux ancrée dans une périodisation qui a pour point de départ la culture matérielle et tout changement significatif qu'on peut observer du point de vue de la « performance économique ». Elle tient compte des changements politiques globaux dans ces régions, en essayant de se détacher de la simple histoire événementielle. D'autre part, les principales séries de céramiques importées ont pu être cernées et nous proposons une nouvelle réflexion sur les ateliers de production, en confrontant nos résultats au cadre méditerranéen global. / This research looks at trade between the eastern Mediterranean (Phoenician world) and the Aegean world. It provides a long-term-perspective, namely spanning the early Iron Age contacts to the end of the Persian period (late eleventh to late fourth century BC). It envisages these exchanges outside the contexts of conflict and ethnic opposition, and beyond the dividing line drawn between classical culture and Semitic cultures, elucidating the ongoing relationships that existed between Greece and the eastern world. Two key issues have been identified in this work. Firstly, if Greek fine pottery cannot be interpreted in terms of "international trade" and does not by itself justify the creation of a network, they can still be used as "archaeological markers of networks" because their marketing fits into established trade flows for basic products. We propose a new reconstruction of networks rooted in a periodization whose starting point is material culture and in which any significant change can be observed in terms of "economic performance". It reflects the overall political changes in these areas, trying to break away from the simple narrative history. On the other hand, the main series of imported ceramics have been identified and we provide new insights into the production centres, by comparing our results to the wider Mediterranean setting. Then, to understand the true meaning of the "marketing" of these ceramics, this research takes into account the contexts of reception by addressing consumer choice and reception of these products in the Phoenician cultural context.