Although scholars have explored the role of emotions, specifically White guilt and shame, in combating racism, there is a dearth of research available regarding differences between White guilt and shame, and measures available that independently assess these emotions in relation to White racism. The purpose of this study was to test a model of White Guilt and White shame as distinct forms of racial affect that serve to promote anti-racism (N=881). The White Guilt and White Shame model, tested using structural equation modeling, hypothesized that combined aspects of White guilt and White shame proneness, collective White guilt (e.g., group based culpability) and motivation processes to respond without racism (e.g., internal, external) would serve to challenge the development of colorblindness and fear of people of color, while fostering greater empathy and willingness to combat racism. Although the proposed hypotheses were moderately supported, and an overall acceptable model fit was found, two modifications were made to White Shame within the original proposed model in accordance with theory and empirical findings. Results from this study indicated that White guilt proneness, collective White guilt, and internal motivation to respond without racism loaded on the factor White Guilt, while White shame proneness, collective White guilt, and external motivation to respond without prejudice loaded on the factor White shame. Furthermore, results also provided sufficient evidence that White Guilt and White Shame have a positive effect on reducing colorblindness and promoting racial empathy, rather than fear. Limitations, clinical implications, and further directions of research are discussed.

Scholars of American politics often assume World War II liberalized white racial attitudes and prompted a liberal shift in the federal government's position on civil rights. This conjecture is generally premised on the existence of an ideological tension between a war against Nazism and the maintenance of white supremacy at home, particularly the southern system of Jim Crow. A possible relationship between the war and civil rights was also suggested by a range of contemporaneous voices, including academics like Gunnar Myrdal and civil rights activists like Walter White and A. Philip Randolph. However, while intuitively plausible, this relationship is generally not well-verified empirically. Using both survey and archival evidence, I argue the war's impact on white racial attitudes is more limited than is often claimed, but that the war shaped and constrained the executive branch's civil rights agenda in ways institutional scholars have generally ignored. The evidence is presented in two parts: First, I demonstrate that for whites in the mass public, while there is some evidence of slight liberalization on issues of racial prejudice, this does not extend to policies addressing racial inequities. White opposition to federal anti-lynching legislation actually increased during the war, especially in the South. There is some evidence of racial moderation among white veterans, relative to their counterparts who did not serve. However, the range of issues is limited in scope. Second, the war had both compelling and constraining impacts on the Roosevelt and Truman administrations' actions on civil rights. The war increased the probability of any change at all occurring, but in doing so it focused the civil rights agenda on issues of military segregation and defense industry discrimination, rather than a more general anti-segregation and job discrimination agenda. In summary, World War II had myriad impacts on America's racial order. It did not broadly liberalize white attitudes, but its effect on the White House was a precursor to the form of "Cold War civil rights" that would emerge in the 1950s.

This study examined the effects of white's opposition to race targeted policies. Using the 1998 General Social Survey this paper investigated self-interest and racial attitudes theories to help explain levels of opposition to giving government aid to blacks, preference in hiring blacks and the amount of assistance given to blacks. Ordinary Least Squares (OLS), Logit, and Ordered Logit regression models are used to test these two theories of white's opposition. The self-interest hypothesis states that whites who have higher levels of self-interest are less likely to support race targeted policies. Findings do not have strong support for the self-interest hypothesis. However, the racial attitudes hypothesis, which states whites who believe that African Americans' have lower levels of ability are less likely to support race targeted policies, was supported. Based on this study's findings; individuals who possess racist attitudes are more likely to oppose race based policies than self-interest attitudes. / Department of Sociology

Racism, defined as the creation or maintenance of a racial hierarchy supported through institutional power, is a pervasive issue in the United States that affects educational institutions across the country in various ways, such as through unequal educational access, school funding, hiring practices, and school discipline. Rather than directly challenging and working toward combating injustices that emerge in institutions, most school leaders disregard race-based educational inequities by providing explanations for racist actions and patterns that occur. There is often a hesitancy to engage in discussions about race and racism in predominantly White spaces because it feels “uncomfortable” and can lead to conflict. This discomfort encourages colorblind ideology, resulting in a lack of dialogue that enables racial hierarchies to thrive. Thus, some members of society benefit from the system, while others are exploited. In this qualitative case study, I explore how students of color who attend an affluent, predominantly White, suburban, public middle school experience a course designed to discuss issues of race and racism. Although anti-bias education is commonly thought to be beneficial for schools located in urban areas, this dominant narrative disregards the needs of predominantly White suburban school communities that have traditionally ignored issues of race and racism, yet due to shifts in immigration patterns, are becoming more diverse. This study explores the challenges students of color face when discussing issues of race and racism in predominantly White, suburban school settings. The culture of silence that permeates educational institutions maintains racial hierarchies and disadvantages students of color who are often “subjected to institutionalized conditions that contradict their interests and their humanity.” Information gleaned from this study may be used to improve upon existing racial literacy courses in predominantly White spaces to ensure that all students feel safe and included in the curriculum.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Within the academic fraternity poverty has traditionally been treated and analysed as a sociological concept. When poverty reaches critical proportions, its consequences may, however, spill directly into the political sphere. The author contends that poverty has become one of the major determinants of political debate in South Africa. The NP government (which changed its name to NNP in 1998), which ruled South Africa from 1948-1994 instituted apartheid, a policy, which gave priority to the interests of whites to the detriment of blacks, coloureds and Indians. This resulted in an unequal distribution of resources, and consequently also unequal social development of South Africa's different population groups. As a result poverty is concentrated in the non-whites groups, with blacks as a group being the worst affected. The aim of this assignment is to investigate the difference in attitudes between supporters of the ANC and NP towards poverty and the poor in South Africa. In this assignment the author proposes that ANC supporters have a better understanding of the nature of poverty and more experience of poverty than NP supporters. She bases her contention on the fact that the overwhelming majority of the ANC's supporters come from the previously disadvantaged groups. The finding of this study is that political party support is one of the major determinants of perceptions that South Africans hold towards the poor. ANC supporters seem optimistic about the future prospects of the poor, while NP supporters seem to be more pessimistic. It must, however, be noted that in many instances there seem to be a general trend that population groups in both parties have the same response pattern (e.g. blacks will show the highest percentage in a response to a question, followed by coloureds, Indians and then whites or vice versa). / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hoewel akademici armoede hoofsaaklik as sosiologiese konsep beskou, kan ekstreme en wydverspreide gevalle van hierdie kondisie direkte implikasies vir die dag tot dag politiek van 'n staat inhou. Die skrywer voer aan dat dit toenemed die geval binne die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke konteks is. Inderdaad het dit een van dié vernaamste dryfvere van openbare beleid geword. Apartheid was die breinkind van die NP (sedert 1998 die NNP) wat Suid-Afrika van 1948 tot 1994 regeer het. Die toepassing van dié stelsel het bygedra tot die sistematiese ontneming van die mees basiese regte van swart, bruin and Indiër Suid- Afrikaners tot voordeel van hul wit landgenote. 'n Byproduk van hierdie beleid, was die oneweredige verspreiding van hulpbronne wat oor 'n tydperk van byna vier dekades bygedra het tot 'n grootskaalse ekonomiese ontmagtiging van die bogenoemde groepe. Gevolglik is armoede vandag nog gekonsentreer binne die bruin, Indiër, maar veral, die swart bevolkingsgroepe. Die sentrale oogmerk van hierdie opdrag is om vas te stelof daar wesenlike opinieverskille tussen ANC en NP ondersteuners oor die kwessie van armoede bestaan. Die skrywer voer aan dat dit wel die geval is. Sy substansieër haar stelling deur te verwys na die feit dat ten tye van die relevante meningsopname die ANC se ondersteunerskorps hoofsaaklike uit swart Suid-Afrikaners bestaan het, terwyl dié van die NP hoofsaaklik uit wit, bruin en Indiër ondersteuners bestaan het. Haar bevindings bevestig dat party affiliase een van die primerê determinante van Suid-Afrikaners se houding teenoor armoede is. ANC ondersteuners blyk meer optimisties te wees oor die vooruitsigte van die armes as NP ondersteuners. Dit moet egter genoem word dat In vergelyking tussen die responspatrone van spesifieke bevolkingsgroepe 'n soortgelyke tendens binne die twee partye uitlig. In die meeste gevalle sal die persentasies vir of teen 'n stelling in dieselfe volgorde (swart, bruin, Indiër en wit) of omgekeer voorkom.