In theorising globalisation, capital is represented as all-powerful and proactive in its mobility and ability to transcend national boundaries in search of new labour markets. It is this mobility of capital. which is argued to be instrumental in shaping the processes of globalisation (Ohmae: 1989, Allen: 1995: Thompson et al: 1998. Dicken: 1998). Labour in contrast is portrayed as fixed within territorial boundaries unable to shape or influence its own destiny or the processes of globalisation. These opposing discourses of capital as the prime agent of globalisaton and labour as a passive participant in the process have predominantly informed the debates about globalisation, and have remained mostly unchallenged in the literature. This dissertation interrogates claims of capital being all-powerful via its mobility and labour being 'agentless' in influencing the processes of globalisation. In order to achieve this I use the global shipping industry' as an example to explores these arguments. This is achieved by investigating the complex ways that relationships between shipping capital and seafaring labour have changed and how these changed relationships are articulated. Specifically I examine the strategies used by South African Transport and Allied Workers to service a transnational and flexible membership. My findings suggest that the 'agentless' nature of labour in shaping the processes of globalisatlon is exaggerated by proponents of the transnational neo-liberal discourse of globalisation. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2001.

M.A. (Historical Studies) / Since its inception in 1902 the aimof the Mine Workers' Union (MWU) was to protect the interests of the White worker. All the strikes organised by the MWU since 1907 had this mission in mind. The position of the skilled worker has always been at stake in the relationship between the government and the mine authorities due to the importance of the goldmine industry. This relationship has been complicated by the industry's dependence on more expensive skilled labour on the one hand and the availability of much cheaper unskilled Black labour on the other hand. White workers who exclusively represented the skilled labour force obtained guarantees for their position in 1911 when work reservation of certain positions wasgranted legal recognition. At the slightest threat to their security the White workers exhibited political power to the extent that this position was considered not negotiable. The MWU's unique relationship with the National Party since 1948 thus gave unequaled protection to a labour union. Socio-political changes in the RSA, especially in the late 1960's and early 1970's, required essential changes in labour relations. The mine industry has also been drawn into the new labour dispensation during the early eighties when jobs for coloured groups and Black people were brought in parity with jobs previously held by White mineworkers. The new labour dispensation proved to be unavoidable already in 1977. This caused resistance by the White mineworkers who considered the changes as treason by the National Party. They used political opportunities in an effort to maintain the status quo in the party's reforms in labour policy. The process which has been seen as politicising and even as militant petered out towards the end of 1981 when it was realised that the new labour dispensation was irreversible and the MWU in collaboration with the Herstige Nasionale Party were unable to obtain a mandate for amending the new labour policies. The MWU finally turned its back on the National Party when the Conservative Party was established in 1982. This party came into being in protest against the National Party's move away from apartheid. The Conservative Party made provision for white workers' right to self-determination as embodied in the old dispensation; it therefore obviously provided a home for the MWU. This merger between the Conservative party and the MWU which came into being after 1982 heralded a new dispensation for the MWU. It also provided the MWU with a new platform for political activities.

This thesis is in the field of Industrial Relations. It concerns a micro-level investigation of the dynamics of public sector industrial relations in post-apartheid South Africa. It focuses on the Tripartite Alliance between the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and explores what the Alliance relationship has meant for the traditional roles of employees and their representatives on the one hand, and employers and their representatives on the other. The thesis examines the political, organisational and societal contradictions and implications for COSATU public sector union affiliates and their members in their relationship to the ANC as an ally (via the Alliance) and the context in which ANC members form part of management (in government). The South African Municipal Workers’ Union (SAMWU) was used as an archetype of a COSATU public sector union affiliate that engages with the State as employer at the municipal level. It is a case study of Makana Local Municipality (Eastern Cape Province, South Africa) using qualitative research techniques and content analysis to derive the relevant information. The author conducted a series of in-depth interviews of key informants and observations at Makana Local Municipality were done. Based on the empirical data obtained from the investigation, the thesis argues that the traditional roles in the employment relationship at the workplace have been affected by the political alliance. Industrial relations roles have become increasingly vague especially since many within local government share ANC/SACP memberships with members of the trade union. The study also highlights that within an increasingly globalising post-apartheid environment, the Alliance provides mixture of benefits and challenges for workplace negotiations and employment relations in ways that macro-level analyses of employer-employee relationships do not always capture.

Cette étude traite du travail en équipe et de la coopération patronale-syndicale. Nous avons évalué l’influence de la coopération patronale-syndicale sur le fonctionnement et l’autonomie collective des équipes de travail. La méthodologie utilisée s’appuie sur une étude de cas contrastés du point de vue de la variable indépendante (l’intensité de la coopération patronale-syndicale), en neutralisant le plus grand nombre possible de variables de contrôle pouvant influencer la variable dépendante (fonctionnement et autonomie des équipes de travail). Des entrevues semi-structurées avec les représentants des deux usines sélectionnées ont confirmé que la coopération patronale-syndicale était élevée dans une usine et faible dans l’autre. L’analyse des données relatives à notre variable dépendante est basée principalement sur les résultats d’un questionnaire et les données obtenues indiquent que les répondants de l’usine d’Alma font des évaluations plus élevées des aspects liés aux dimensions de la variable dépendantes et celles-ci recouvrent des aspects axés sur la gestion des opérations alors que celles où les évaluations sont plus élevées à Kénogami concernent majoritairement des aspects plus secondaires. Notre hypothèse est essentiellement confirmée et démontre une relation positive entre un degré élevé de coopération patronale-syndicale et l’évaluation par les membres du fonctionnement et de l’autonomie collective de leur équipe. Cette relation positive est cependant mitigée, car elle ne se vérifie pas pour certaines dimensions qui renvoient à des aspects plus secondaires de l’autonomie collective des équipes de travail. / The main focus of the research is the analysis of the phenomena and the link between the union-management Cooperation and the work team. We are pursuing by submitting a main hypothesis: the degree of union-management Cooperation has a positive influence on the functioning and collective self-reliance of work teams. Methodology used relies on a point of multiple case study of the independent variable (the intensity of the employer-Union cooperation) in neutralizing the greatest possible number of control variables that can influence the dependent variable (operation and autonomy of the teams work). Semi-structured interviews were conducted with representative’s employer and Union. The results show that two selected plants have confirmed that the union-Cooperation was high in a factory and low in the other. Our dependent variable data analysis is based primarily on the results of a questionnaire and the resulting data indicate that Alma plant respondents have the highest ratings of dimensions related to their degree of autonomy and the functioning of their team work. Our assumption is essentially confirmed and demonstrates a positive relationship between a high degree of union-management Cooperation and assessment by the members of their team’s operations and collective self-reliance of work teams. However, this positive relationship is mixed, because it does not apply for certain dimensions that concerns more trivial aspects of the collective autonomy of work teams.

<p>The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?</p><p>The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.</p><p>The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.</p><p>Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.</p><p>Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.</p>

Cette étude traite du travail en équipe et de la coopération patronale-syndicale. Nous avons évalué l’influence de la coopération patronale-syndicale sur le fonctionnement et l’autonomie collective des équipes de travail. La méthodologie utilisée s’appuie sur une étude de cas contrastés du point de vue de la variable indépendante (l’intensité de la coopération patronale-syndicale), en neutralisant le plus grand nombre possible de variables de contrôle pouvant influencer la variable dépendante (fonctionnement et autonomie des équipes de travail). Des entrevues semi-structurées avec les représentants des deux usines sélectionnées ont confirmé que la coopération patronale-syndicale était élevée dans une usine et faible dans l’autre. L’analyse des données relatives à notre variable dépendante est basée principalement sur les résultats d’un questionnaire et les données obtenues indiquent que les répondants de l’usine d’Alma font des évaluations plus élevées des aspects liés aux dimensions de la variable dépendantes et celles-ci recouvrent des aspects axés sur la gestion des opérations alors que celles où les évaluations sont plus élevées à Kénogami concernent majoritairement des aspects plus secondaires. Notre hypothèse est essentiellement confirmée et démontre une relation positive entre un degré élevé de coopération patronale-syndicale et l’évaluation par les membres du fonctionnement et de l’autonomie collective de leur équipe. Cette relation positive est cependant mitigée, car elle ne se vérifie pas pour certaines dimensions qui renvoient à des aspects plus secondaires de l’autonomie collective des équipes de travail. / The main focus of the research is the analysis of the phenomena and the link between the union-management Cooperation and the work team. We are pursuing by submitting a main hypothesis: the degree of union-management Cooperation has a positive influence on the functioning and collective self-reliance of work teams. Methodology used relies on a point of multiple case study of the independent variable (the intensity of the employer-Union cooperation) in neutralizing the greatest possible number of control variables that can influence the dependent variable (operation and autonomy of the teams work). Semi-structured interviews were conducted with representative’s employer and Union. The results show that two selected plants have confirmed that the union-Cooperation was high in a factory and low in the other. Our dependent variable data analysis is based primarily on the results of a questionnaire and the resulting data indicate that Alma plant respondents have the highest ratings of dimensions related to their degree of autonomy and the functioning of their team work. Our assumption is essentially confirmed and demonstrates a positive relationship between a high degree of union-management Cooperation and assessment by the members of their team’s operations and collective self-reliance of work teams. However, this positive relationship is mixed, because it does not apply for certain dimensions that concerns more trivial aspects of the collective autonomy of work teams.

The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors? The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition. The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed. Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors. Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.

The industrial council agreement for Motor Transport Undertaking (Goods) in the Transvaal will be in force until 1990. Wages are negotiated annually, for implementation in January, but a compulsory arbitration provision comes into effect if there is a deadlock. This document is prepared to assist the Transport & General Workers Union in providing factual information to the arbitrator to back up the demand for a substantial wage increase. The union has rejected a final offer from the employers of an eight and a half percent increase in January 1988. Unfortunately, we have not received the wage demands of the union, so our report is not as focused as it should be.

High-profile instances of workplace violence and increased pressure from competitors have threatened the viability of one of the nation's largest employers, the United States Postal Service (USPS). As a result, the USPS began a massive change effort in the early 1990's. One of the initiatives implemented to improve labor-management relations was a derivative of the self-managed work team known as the crew chief program. This study provides a mixed-methods and multi-level approach to understand the impact this unique program had on organizational attitudes. The first aim of this study was to investigate whether the crew chief program reduced employees' stress and strain and improved job and supervisory satisfaction and company and union commitment, while controlling for the nesting of employees within sites and employee demographic characteristics. The second aim was to replicate and extend the stressor-strain-outcome (SSO) model of stress and to determine whether employee perceptions of crew chief support moderated the relationships between stressors, strain, and outcomes. I evaluated Aim 1 using data from 177 mail processors from 27 units matched from baseline to one-year follow-up with hierarchical linear modeling. This was followed up with an implementation analysis of qualitative data to determine the extent to which the program was implemented compared to the original design. I evaluated Aim 2 using structural equation modeling from 538 mail processors who participated at follow-up. There was little quantitative support for Aim 1. However, the results of the implementation analysis suggested that the crew chief program was not functioning as conceived. Aim 2 received strong support, with almost all of the main effects of the SSO model replicated. However, there was no support for the moderator effects. Additionally, I found role ambiguity to have direct relationships with other organizational outcomes beyond the indirect effects via strain and that crew chief support was strongly related to stressors and outcomes. These findings reinforce the notion that employing both quantitative and qualitative methods can dramatically improve the quality of organizational research. Based on these findings, I describe several suggestions for improvements to this specific program and for improving future initiatives aimed at enhancing labor-management relations.