Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The thesis examines the implications of Public Sector Reform (PSR) for public sector unions in Zambia. Using the case study strategy, the research investigates the Civil Servants and Allied Workers Union of Zambia (CSAWUZ) in Lusaka district under the rubric of PSR. The research is qualitative in nature. Two types of data were collected, namely, secondary and primary data. A sample of 25 key informants was engaged in the research. These informants include five managers of public institutions and 20 leaders of the CSAWUZ. The methods of multistage, purposive and snowball sampling were used to select the informants. Secondary data were collected by reading documents on PSR and trade unions while primary data were collected by conducting semi-structured interviews with the sampled informants. The data are analysed using the method of content analysis. The findings reveal that Zambia is characterised by a young, unskilled and impoverished population. The government faces challenges to deliver services especially in rural areas and to the female population. There are three major categories of government institutions in Zambia. These are central government, local government and parastatals. There are also different types of trade unions organising employees in these institutions. They include sectoral unions, enterprise unions, occupational unions, industrial unions, and federations of trade unions. However, the operations of these unions have been challenged by the reform of the public sector. Two generations of PSR have been implemented in Zambia. These are New Public Management (NPM) and post-NPM reforms. On the one hand, NPM reforms emphasised the effectiveness of market forces and the weakness of government regulation. On the other hand, post-NPM reforms emphasise the interconnectedness of stakeholders in the processes of policy formulation and implementation. These stakeholders include government, business, civil society organisations, employers and trade unions. The implementation of PSR is influenced by the interplay of a number of factors. These include the recognition of problems in the public sector, the emergence of a new ideology, and the presence of actors spearheading the reform of the public sector. The findings show that PSR involves changing the role of the public sector in the process of providing goods and services. Instead of the public sector being the only provider, it is a partner. As a partner, its role is to create an environment that encourages the growth of the private sector. However, this kind of reform negatively affects trade unions in the public sector. The effects include reductions in union membership, income and power. Although public sector unions are negatively affected by PSR, they have agency and do not just wait to become victims of the reform process. They make strategies to adapt to the changing circumstances. These strategies include diversifying the membership, servicing the membership, decentralising the organisational structure of the union, coordinating union activities, and forming alliances with external organisations dealing with issues affecting workers. This implies that trade unions in the public sector have opportunities to deal with challenges facing them under the rubric of PSR.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:42:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MANUELA GODOI.pdf: 1602916 bytes, checksum: 930eb37b45621704d3fc7b3e1a668507 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-21 / The banking sector in Brazil was one of the main sectors affected by the introduction of technological innovations and new model of management of resources in the workplace. This news stemming from the bank restructuring, since the beginning of the 90s, had a negative impact on the working conditions and has reflected in increased illness of bank workers. The union of this sector was the major player in the defense of workers' health during this period. Thus, the present study has the main objective of understand "The performance of the Unions related to Bank Employees of Curitiba and Region in Defense of the Banking Occupational Health, from the 90s." The specific purpose of this research is to analyze the changes occurring in the world of banking work through the adoption of bank restructuring; understand those aspects of bank restructuring in Brazil; relate the impact of bank restructuring in the illness of workers in this category; understand the historical background and training of the Health Department of the Bank Employees Union of Curitiba and Region; understand the disease process of banking works that seek support from the Secretary of Health from Bank Employees Union of Curitiba Area. It is an exploratory, descriptive qualitative nature. As methodological procedures were used as research method: bibliographical, documentary (evidences used were the Work Accident Communications process, sentences relating to Public Civil claims filed by the Ministry of Labor for Employment against Itaú and HSBC, Union Agreements and data from the Social Security and DIEESE related to the statistics with regards to occupational accident/illness in Brazil), interview with union leader of FETEC (Federation of Credit and Financial Workers), interviews with the social worker, leaders from the Legal area of the Union Health Department of Curitiba and Region and with banking workers from the 90s that are diseased. The information accessed were divided into three chapters, which made it possible to conclude that in fact the changes that come with bank restructuring impacted the health of workers in this sector and how serious the problem about the illness of these workers are related to their labor activities. However, although it is evident the importance of the resulting achievements with the trade union movement with respect to workers' health, the data presented in this study demonstrate how serious the issue is still getting sick of these workers as a result of working conditions offered by banks. It is noteworthy, therefore, the importance of the Secretariat of Health of the Banking Union in the arduous struggle to ensure the rights related to the health of these workers. / O setor bancário no Brasil foi um dos mais afetados com a introdução das inovações tecnológicas e dos novos meios de gestão nos ambientes de trabalho. Essas novidades advindas da reestruturação bancária impactaram negativamente nas condições de trabalho dos bancários com reflexos no aumento do adoecimento desses trabalhadores, a partir dos anos de 1990. Os sindicatos dos bancários foi um dos principais atores na defesa da saúde do trabalhador nesse período. Assim, a presente pesquisa apresenta como objetivo geral compreender “A atuação do Sindicato dos Bancários de Curitiba e Região na Defesa da Saúde do Trabalhador Bancário, a partir dos anos 90”. Como objetivos específicos a pesquisa busca analisar as transformações ocorridas no mundo do trabalho bancário mediante a adoção da reestruturação bancária; compreender os aspectos da reestruturação bancária no Brasil; relacionar o impacto da reestruturação bancária no adoecimento dos trabalhadores dessa categoria; entender a trajetória histórica e formação da Secretaria de Saúde do Sindicato dos Bancários de Curitiba e Região; compreender o processo de adoecimento dos bancários que procuraram a Secretaria de Saúde do Sindicato dos Bancários de Curitiba e Região. Trata-se de uma pesquisa exploratória, descritiva de cunho qualitativo. Como procedimentos metodológicos foram utilizadas as pesquisas: bibliográfica, documental (a base documental utilizou-se das Comunicações de Acidente de Trabalho, Sentenças referentes às Ações Civis Públicas movidas pelo Ministério Público do Trabalho em Emprego em face dos Bancos Itaú e HSBC, Convenção Coletiva de Trabalho (CCT) e dados da Previdência Social e do DIEESE referentes às estatísticas no que tange ao acidente de trabalho/adoecimento no Brasil), entrevista semi-estruturada com dirigente sindical da FETEC (Federação dos Trabalhadores de Empresas de Crédito), com o assistente social e dirigentes sindicais do jurídico e da Secretaria de Saúde do Sindicato de Curitiba e Região, bem como com bancários admitidos na década de 90 que se encontram adoecidos). As informações alcançadas foram divididas em três capítulos, os quais possibilitaram concluir que de fato as alterações advindas com a reestruturação bancária impactaram na saúde dos trabalhadores desse setor e como é grave o problema acerca do adoecimento desses trabalhadores em razão do labor. Contudo, embora seja notória a importância das conquistas advindas com o movimento sindical no que tange à saúde do trabalhador, os dados apresentados nesta pesquisa comprovam como ainda é grave a questão do adoecimento desses obreiros em decorrência das condições de trabalho oferecidas pelos bancos. Destaca-se, assim, a importância da Secretaria de Saúde do Sindicato dos Bancários na árdua luta pela garantia dos direitos relacionados à saúde desses trabalhadores.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-01-13T13:49:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 raizadiasdealmeida.pdf: 11147512 bytes, checksum: 0638999f24df2cd8bdbcf648425e7f72 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-02-02T12:05:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 raizadiasdealmeida.pdf: 11147512 bytes, checksum: 0638999f24df2cd8bdbcf648425e7f72 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-02-02T12:05:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 raizadiasdealmeida.pdf: 11147512 bytes, checksum: 0638999f24df2cd8bdbcf648425e7f72 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-02T12:05:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 raizadiasdealmeida.pdf: 11147512 bytes, checksum: 0638999f24df2cd8bdbcf648425e7f72 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-06 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação teve como objetivos analisar a participação dos Movimentos Sociais, especificamente o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Rurais (STR) de Miradouro, na implementação da Educação do Campo para as escolas da Rede Pública do Município e nos processos subsequentes de construção da Educação do Campo. A pesquisa se enquadra como um estudo de caso, por se tratar especificamente do Município de Miradouro, caracterizada como uma pesquisa qualitativa, na qual usamos entrevistas do tipo semiestruturada e observações à luz do materialismo histórico dialético. Utilizamos também referências bibliográficas e documentais para o levantamento teórico. Para tanto, o trabalho encontra-se dividido em cinco capítulos. O primeiro capítulo explicita a concepção teórico-metodológica que sustenta a pesquisa e os caminhos metodológicos e os métodos que foram utilizados para o desenvolvimento da pesquisa. O capítulo dois contempla as discussões de âmbito macro, a fim de contextualizar o objeto de pesquisa. Assim, utilizamos das formulações de Gramsci para compreender o conceito de Estado, bem como evidenciar a influência dos modos de produção capitalista na formação/constituição do histórico dos movimentos sociais e na sua atual configuração. O capítulo três aborda as discussões sobre Movimentos Sociais, Educação do Campo e Movimentos Sociais do Campo, de maneira a elucidar o histórico, especificidade e a importância dos mesmos. O capítulo quatro aponta as características do município de Miradouro bem como apresentar a análise das entrevistas realizadas a fim de compreender os Movimentos Sociais de Miradouro na perspectiva da Educação do Campo para as escolas públicas do município. Por fim, no último capítulo tecemos as considerações finais, nas quais concluímos o objetivo dessa dissertação. Nesse sentido, foi possível constatar que o histórico de luta pela Educação do Campo no município sofreu alterações em seu percurso. A participação do STR foi de suma importância para a construção de uma concepção de educação do campo valorativa. Contudo, constatamos que, ao longo dessa jornada, essa participação se desvinculou de um propósito de luta coletiva. De tal modo, entendemos que essa dissertação teve, além do compromisso científico, o objetivo de contribuir para o conhecimento dessa realidade e, ao mesmo tempo, tentar transformá-la com as constatações, aqui, feitas. / This dissertation had as its goals to analyze how the participation of the Social Movements occurred materialized by the Rural Workers Union of Miradouro at the time of the implementation of the Field Education to the public network of schools in the county and what has been the role played by the same Movements in the perspective of Field Education. In order to do so, the dissertation is divided in five chapters. The first chapter enlightens about the methodology that will be developed in the research, thereby the historical- dialectical materialism was used. The research is framed as a case study, because deals specifically with the Miradouro country, being characterized as a qualitative research, in which we used semi structured interviews and observations. We also used bibliographic and documental references for the theoretical gendering of information. Chapter two contemplates the discussion in the macro context, seeking to contextualize the research object. Therefore, we used Gramsci’s formulations to comprehend the concept of State, as well as highlight the influences of the capitalist ways of production in the formation/constitution of the social movements history and its current configuration. Chapter three addresses the discussions about Social Movements, Field Education and Rural Social Movements, in order to clarify the history, specificity and the importance of the three topics of study mentioned above. Chapter four will elaborate on the characteristics of the county of Miradouro as well as expose an analyses of the interviews taken seeking to understand the Social Movements of Miradouro in the perspective of Field Education to the public schools of the county. At last, the last chapter brigs the final considerations, in wich we can conclude this dissertations goals. In this sense, we could see that the historical struggle for rural education in the city has changed in its path. STR participation was extremely important to construct an estimated field education. However, we verify that, along this journey, this participation has detached itself from a purpose of collective struggle. So we understood that this dissertation has, beyond the scientific commitment, the objective of contributing to the knowledge of this reality and, at the same time, try to change it with the verifications made.

No description available.

Student Number : 0376246 - PhD thesis - School of Humanities - Faculty of Arts / This thesis examines the building of power and how workers’ control and union independence augmented or detracted from this process in the National Union of Metalworkers and its predecessors from the 1980s to the mid 1990s. These unions aimed to accrue power to improve both their members’ working conditions and to effect political and economic transformation. In this process the building of non-racial national industrial unions that cut across the ethnically constituted state, the promotion of workers’ control, and political independence from formal political organisations were central. This thesis demonstrates how Numsa and its predecessors overcame obstacles to the accrual of power and scrutinizes reasons for failures in achieving pivotal ideological goals. In the early 1980s Numsa’s predecessors constructed greater degrees of democratic organizational and bureaucratic power. The formation of Numsa in 1987 allowed for the further construction of an efficient bureaucracy to support organizational and bargaining activities. It successfully forged national bargaining forums and built hegemony across the industry. In 1993 Numsa adopted a programme through which it hoped to restructure its industries in the transitional period leading up to a new democracy. It failed however to successfully implement the programme in its entirety. Tensions emerged in union goals as membership remained focused on increased wages whilst leadership was attempting to restructure industry, enhance worker skills and augment workers’ control in the workplace. In the political sphere Numsa was largely unable to effect a deeper infusion of its socialist leanings. Though Numsa and other Cosatu unions made an important contribution to the birth of a non-racial democracy, the capitalist state succeeded in demobilizing the trade unions in their pursuit of more fundamental systemic change. By the time Numsa produced the concept of a Reconstruction Accord, later developed into the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the space to popularise a socialist perspective had been considerably reduced. Although Numsa forewent its early `party autonomous` position when Cosatu entered the ANC/SACP alliance, this was clearly far from a `state ancillary` stance. Though labour had won the right to be consulted in Nedlac and the right to strike, the possibility of dissent being diverted into bureaucratic chambers existed with a consequent loss of militant, strategic and ideological focus. Key words: trade union power, workers control, trade union independence, National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), National Automobile & Allied Workers Union (Naawu), Metal & Allied Workers Union (Mawu), Motor Industry Combined Workers Union (Micwu), post 1980 metal unions, metal union politics, metal union bargaining, metal union organisation, trade union alliances, trade unions and violence

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.Dev.Studies)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc. (Sociology)) - Rhodes University, 2007.

Magister Artium - MA / This thesis follows the course of the Nigerian general strike of 1945 in the Northern provinces, a previously under-researched region. It examines some of the many ways in which the strike has been understood in the academy, focusing in particular on the works of Alkasum Abba, Kazah-Toure and Bill Freund who have regarded the strike as well supported and successful. By employing Ian Phimister and Brian Raftopoulos's analysis of the 1948 general strike in colonial Zimbabwe, this thesis re-reads the narrative of success by bringing to the fore previosuly ignored issues relating to questions of planning, tactics, propaganda, solidarity, leadership, and execution of the strike. This re-reading reveals a considerably more varied and uneven response across and within the different categories of workers than has been previously assumed by scholars. Such unevenness challenges notions of "solidarity" and "steadfastness" attributed to the industrial action, with implications for how workers struggles have been incorporated into wider narratives of decolonization and anti-colonial nationalism.