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<p>Despite recruitment and retention efforts, women remain underrepresented in the engineering profession. More than two-thirds of women leave engineering within 15 years of graduation, double the rate of men. Women leave or feel psychologically pushed out of the engineering profession because of harassment, discrimination, work-life balance, an initial mismatch between their personal and workplace characteristics, or other reasons. </p> <p><br></p> <p>While previous studies have identified the reasons why women leave engineering careers, a limited number of studies have described how they leave engineering - the processes and pathways that they follow. Furthermore, few empirical studies have examined women's career decisions over their lives. While researchers have investigated how and why women pursue and persist in engineering academic programs, fewer studies have examined women's engineering career decisions after entering the workplace. In this study, I develop a greater understanding of women's engineering career journeys, including their departure from the profession, by addressing: <em>What are the career stories of women who have left engineering after having worked in industry? </em></p> <p><br></p> <p>I explored women's engineering career decisions using narrative inquiry and a novel, boundary-spanning framework encompassing aspects of the Unfolding Model of Turnover and Career Construction Theory. My participants were three women who had practiced engineering in industry for five to seven years before they left the profession. I conducted three ninety-minute interviews with each participant and used a background questionnaire, a workplace artifact, and a life experience timeline to further elicit their narratives. Incorporating a timeline activity increased the quality of participants' narratives. I used a two-part approach to handling and making meaning of my data. First, the participants and I collaborated to construct first-person narratives, which showed the complexity and nuances of women's engineering career pathways. Then, I created interpreted narratives, which described participants' stories of leaving engineering through the shocks (jarring events), scripts (plans of action), and image violations (violations of goals and values) of the Unfolding Model of Turnover. </p> <p><br></p> <p>All participants left engineering according to a newly identified pathway, whereby a shock, in the presence of image violations, caused them to leave the profession to pursue previously identified scripts. The participants experienced similar shocks and enacted similar scripts. For example, all participants enacted a script to stay home with their children, and two participants experienced the same shock, trouble conceiving children. Another key finding is that participants didn't realize they were leaving the profession when they resigned from their last engineering job: two participants sought ongoing part-time engineering work but were unsuccessful. </p> <p><br></p> <p>Knowledge gained in this study expands our understanding of women's engineering career decisions, informs women's engineering career planning, facilitates the program planning of career service providers, and contributes toward broadening the participation of women in engineering. In addition, findings suggest that if employers provide flexible work options and create pathways for returning engineers, then more women will remain in or return to the engineering profession, thereby improving the representation of women in the engineering workplace. </p>

Soft skills include communication skills, problem-solving skills, conflict resolution, working well with other people, and ensuring customer satisfaction. Employers need employees who have adequate technical skills but who also have soft skills. There is limited information about the perceptions of which soft skills are needed in the workplace. This study attempted to close the gap in the literature concerning the perceptions of instructors and employers in the area of soft skills in the workplace. For this study, the Soft Skills Survey for Instructors and Employers was used to gather the perceptions of information technology instructors and employers in five community college districts of northeastern Mississippi concerning the importance of soft skills in the workplace. Sixteen instructors and 17 employers participated in this study answering the online survey with a 4-point Likert-type scale. A statistically significant difference was found between the perceptions of the instructors and the perceptions of the employers on four of the soft skills listed on the survey. These soft skills were “communicates clearly verbally,” “communicates clearly in writing,” “adapts to changes easily,” and “dresses appropriately.” The instructors placed a higher importance on these soft skills than did the employers. The reasons for this can be attributed to the differences between the classroom setting and the workplace. There was no statistically significant difference between the perceptions of the importance of the other 21 soft skills listed on the survey. This study concluded that instructors teach the skills students need to get and keep a job, while employers are more concerned with the skills needed to perform the task at hand. This study provides a baseline for research on soft skills in the workplace. Recommendations for further research include using the Soft Skills Survey for Instructors and Employers in different educational settings and in other areas of the United States.

The need for online remote working from home significantly increased due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This unexpected crisis forced individuals and organizations to rapidly transition from face-to-face training to remote learning at home. This switch happened overnight and was not optional but necessary. Employees had to adapt to new online learning techniques, seeking to preserve the same level of learning as working from the office. The study participants were male and female remote workers in the United States aged 18 and over. A questionnaire focused on evaluating online training in the workplace and a survey measuring two types of attitudes related to the transfer of training and technology integration while taking online training courses that were distributed online. The study collected a total of 50 responses from participants for analysis. According to the study results, employees noted some positive features of remote learning, such as flexibility, self-paced learning opportunities, and faster content absorption. Areas employees identified for improvement were closely related to the causes of complaints, such as network and technology issues, using a learning management system (LMS), instructions for using an LMS or course management system (CMS), face-to-face tech support, distractions, and suitable workspace at home. The study's results revealed a need to design and improve an effective emergency remote training system that maintains remote learning similar to traditional classroom training and opportunities for non-co-located workers to prepare for future emergencies.

This is the report of a Delphi study designed to identify the characteristics, behaviors, and work environments of spiritual leaders. A panel of philosophers, writers, business leaders, non-profit leaders, religious leaders, educators, and politicians was purposefully recruited to participate in the study. Data gathered from the panel were analyzed with the Maykut and Morehouse (1994) constant comparative method and descriptive statistics to identify characteristics, behaviors, and work environments of spiritual leaders. The panel-identified characteristics and behaviors of spiritual leaders were grouped into three themes: interpersonal, intrapersonal, and religious. Work environments in which spiritual leaders can be effective were grouped into six themes: community-building, person-centered, product-oriented, principle-driven, religious, and mission/purpose-driven. The interpersonal descriptors are predominant in the findings, supporting the conclusion that spiritual leadership is interpersonal in nature in an enhanced way. Although writers have emphasized that spiritual leadership is separable from religion, the panelists accepted 13 descriptors in religious categories, indicating that they had difficulty separating spiritual religious leadership from a secular counterpart. The findings incorporate the concepts of meaning, community, and integrity presented in a theory of spiritual leadership created for this study, but the findings go well beyond the concepts in the theory. To be more reflective of reality, the theory must be expanded to emphasize the other-orientation of spiritual leaders. The expanded theory and the enriched concepts within it may have benefit to practitioners and future researchers interested in exploring the practice and study of spiritual leadership. Two tools were created from the findings. One tool is a self-assessment that leaders may use to compare their leadership style with that of spiritual leaders. The second tool may be used by leaders to assess whether their work environments promote the effectiveness of spiritual leaders. Researchers may find the tools useful as initial measures of the characteristics, behaviors, and environments of spiritual leaders. / Ph. D.

The purpose of this research was to examine the effects of workplace financial education on workers' personal finances and work outcomes and determine relationships among financial management (attitudes, knowledge and behaviors), financial well-being, personal finance-work conflict, and work outcomes with data of white-collar workers in an insurance company in mid-western states. Research questions were (1) What are the profiles of financial attitudes, financial knowledge, financial behaviors, financial well-being, personal finance-work conflict, productivity, absenteeism, work time use, organizational commitment, pay satisfaction, loyalty, and intention to leave?, (2) Do the profiles of financial attitudes, financial knowledge, financial behaviors, and financial well-being differ by the individual characteristics?, (3) Do the profiles of personal finance-work conflict, productivity, absenteeism, work time use, organizational commitment, and pay satisfaction differ by the individual characteristics?, (4) What are the relationships among financial attitudes, financial knowledge, financial behaviors, financial well-being, and work outcomes (productivity, absenteeism, organizational commitment, and pay satisfaction)?, (5) What are the effects of workplace financial education on financial attitudes, financial knowledge, financial behaviors, financial well-being, and work outcomes?, and (6) What are the individual profiles of workplace financial education including participation, value of workplace financial education, reasons for participation and non-participation, desire for financial check-up, and desired topics of workplace financial education? The research design was a pre- and post-assessment survey. A pre-assessment survey was conducted in February and March 1999 before workplace financial education was provided during March 1999. One-and one-half hour workplace financial education workshops were provided at no cost to employer or employees in March 1999. Three months after the workplace financial education was provided, a post-assessment survey was conducted from June through August 1999. A pre-assessment questionnaire was mailed to all 476 workers (five were undeliverable) and 262 responses were utilized for data analysis. In the post-assessment, 482 questionnaires were mailed to workers and five were undeliverable. Usable return rates for the data analysis were 56.0% in the pre-assessment (262/471) and 40.0% in the post-assessment (189/477). Overall, the respondents in this study were somewhat positive toward financial management, were not knowledgeable on financial matters, and were practicing their financial behaviors fairly well. Objective financial well-being measures showed that workers were in fairly good financial condition but the levels of subjective financial well-being were about the mid-point on a scale, when each score was converted into a percentage. The workers reported that they were very productive, did not miss work days frequently, were highly committed to their organization, and they showed fairly high levels of pay satisfaction. Workers were very hesitant to admit to direct questions asking about whether or not their financial concerns interfered with their responsibilities at the workplace while they were not always able to do normal work even though they were present in the office and spent some work time handling financial matters. Some of individual characteristics influenced financial attitude, financial knowledge, financial behavior, financial well-being, personal finance-work outcomes, and work outcomes. The tests of the structural equation model showed that worker's personal finances had direct and indirect effects on work outcomes. The financial well-being had a negative effect on personal finance-work conflict. The financial well-being had direct effects on negative work time use and pay satisfaction. The financial well-being had indirect effects through personal finance-work conflict on absenteeism, negative work time use, and organizational commitment. The t-test results did not show the significant effects of workplace financial education on personal finances and work outcomes between the pre- and the post-assessment. / Ph. D.

In the late 1980s regional instructional specialists were hired by the Virginia Department of Education in 18 planning districts. The purpose of this study was to describe the role of one specialist in a rural setting. The description may be beneficial to adult education planners and policy makers as they look for innovative ways of delivering rural adult education programs. Three research questions guided the study: 1. What are the contexts (historical, legal, geographical, and program) in which the rural regional instructional specialist works? 2. What tasks (administrative and program) are performed by the rural regional instructional specialist? 3. What are the outcomes of the work of the rural regional instructional specialist? Through interviews, review of documents, and observations, the researcher found that the historical, legal, geographical, and program contexts of the rural regional instructional specialist were interrelated, and that they guided and constrained the work of the specialist. Governmental mandates and budgets prescribed the development of programs. Geographical features,employment opportunities, educational needs, and social conditions influenced what was offered and when it was offered in adult education programs in the Mount Rogers Region. Planning and conducting professional development activities, maintaining links with teachers in the regional program and with personnel at the state office in Richmond, visiting classes in each locality, maintaining referral links with other agencies, and recruitment of students were tasks performed by the regional instructional specialist. Priorities were family literacy, workplace programs, infusion of technology, and health literacy. By increasing classes for One-Stop centers and immigrants, offering in-service programs for teachers, visiting program sites, and collaborating with other agencies, the specialist contributed to higher enrollment in classes and increased educational gains for students. The role of the rural regional instructional specialist in Virginia is changing, and the future of the position is uncertain. / Ed. D.

Reports that call for change in engineering education date back to the Mann report (1918), but more recent reports like "The Engineer of 2020" (NAE, 2004), and "Lean Engineering Education," (Flumerfelt et al., 2015) describe the need for engineers who are creative leaders, who have sustainability and ethics skills. Two narrative threads emerge from these reports: that engineering education does not adequately prepare engineers with the skills needed for industry, and that preparation for industry is imperative in order to address problems in society. However, these threads conflict with research from engineering education, science and technology studies, and higher education. There may not be a gap between school and work (Modestino, Shoag and Balance, 2016), and if there is one, it might be a socio-cultural gap that is unreasonable for universities to accept the full responsibility of narrowing. More problematic is that establishing "preparation-for-work" as the purpose for education threatens the goal of preparing students for life outside of work and does not necessarily prepare them to act towards benefit for society. The goal of this study was to critique these narratives using narratives of newcomer engineers' lived experiences. I had two research questions: 1) Who are new engineers asked to be at work? 2) Who do new engineers choose to be in response? I answered these by constructing and analyzing narratives of 12 newcomer engineers, based on interviews collected as part of the Capstone to Work study (Paretti et al., 2021). Using the figured worlds framework of identity development (Holland et al., 1998), I investigated the structures of work, which constrained who newcomers could become, and newcomers' agency, which they used to improvise identities within those constraints. The structures of engineering work that I examined required newcomers to acclimate to ongoing practices at their companies, which did not conform to newcomers' expectations of creative engineering work. Newcomers were objectified: their value and identity was often defined in terms of how much money they made for their company. They were alienated: their engineering problems were rarely defined in terms of their societal impact. The faced sexism: they were denied respectable identities based on gender. In response, some newcomers sought the identity of "asset" for their companies. Other newcomers sought new jobs that would give them opportunities for creativity, growth or societal benefit. And some newcomers worked to create opportunities at their jobs to be who they wanted: leaders, engineers working for environmental benefit, whole persons outside and inside of work. The results of this study suggest limitations of preparation narratives: They do not account for objectification, alienation, and sexism that newcomers face. Engineers also may unfortunately be prepared with stereotypes that do not match the realities of engineering work. This study suggests that we need to educate engineers in a way that recognizes them as human and prepares them for these realities. It also shows us that socio-technical change requires change at the structural level and cannot be limited to changes in education. / Doctor of Philosophy / Reports like "The Engineer of 2020", and "Lean Engineering Education," describe the need for engineers who are creative leaders, and who have sustainability and ethics skills. Engineering education researchers and practitioners use these preparation narratives to justify their funding to grant-awarding institutions, to develop research agendas, and to align their education efforts with these national calls. Two threads emerge from typical preparation narratives: that engineering education does not adequately prepare engineers with the skills needed for industry, and that preparation for industry is necessary for engineering to address societal problems. These, however, conflict with research from engineering education, science and technology studies, and higher education. If there is a gap between school and work, it might be a socio-cultural gap that is unreasonable for universities to accept the full responsibility of narrowing. More problematic is that establishing "preparation-for-work" as the primary purpose of education threatens the goal of preparing students for life outside of work and does not necessarily prepare them to act towards benefit for society. This study critiques these narratives by referring to newcomer engineers' lived experiences and identity development. I had two research questions: 1) Who are new engineers asked to be at work? 2) Who do new engineers choose to be in response? I answered these by constructing and analyzing narratives of 12 newcomer engineers, based on interviews collected as part of the Capstone to Work study. Using the figured worlds framework of identity development, I investigated the structures of work, which constrained who newcomers could become, and newcomers' agency in becoming different kinds of engineers within those constraints. Newcomers were generally required to acclimate to ongoing practices at their companies, which did not conform to their expectations of creative engineering work. Newcomers were objectified: their value and identity was often defined in terms of how much money they made for their company. They were alienated: their engineering problems were rarely defined in terms of their societal impact. The faced sexism: they were denied respectable identities based on gender. In response, some newcomers sought the identity of "asset" for their companies. Other newcomers sought new jobs that would give them opportunities for creativity, growth or societal benefit. And some newcomers worked to create opportunities at their jobs to be who they wanted. The results of this study suggest limitations of preparation narratives: they do not account for objectification, alienation, and sexism that newcomers face. Engineers also may unfortunately be prepared with stereotypes that do not match the realities of engineering work. Engineers should be educated in a way that recognizes them as human and prepares them for the realities of work. The study also confirms that efforts for socio-technical change cannot be limited to educational changes, because of structural constraints.

This dissertation consisted of a case study of the facilitation process utilized by individuals functioning as facilitators for Quality Improvement Teams and/or Quality Councils in the Internal Revenue Service. Eight individuals from a pool of fifty identified as "successful" facilitators by team leaders, team members, quality coordinators or other facilitators, were selected as study subjects. Results from administration of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator and the Herrmann Brain Instruments were used as part of the selection criteria for the study participants. The study sought to determine the competencies used by the facilitators and how the identified competencies contributed to the individual's performance in their role. The results of the study demonstrated that facilitators engaged in 28 different activities. The types of activities and the frequency that facilitators engaged in them varied greatly. A model is presented showing the interrelationship of the study conclusions that includes a set of activities that facilitators engage in to help move quality improvement teams towards their goal. Specific recommendations are made concerning implications for selection and training of QIT facilitators, and for future research. / Ed. D.