In the midst of the chaos and violence of civil-ethnic conflict, there is often little attention paid to the economic consequences which endure long past the moment of crisis. In conflicts that end in situations of prolonged occupation of one national group over another, complex and enduring dependencies develop between occupier and occupied. Since the 1967 Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Palestinian economy has grown highly dependent upon the Israeli economy and has developed within the confines of Israeli military power. When the second Palestinian Intifada broke out in September 2000, the Palestinian economy suffered further. This paper discusses the Palestinian economy through the framework of dependency theory and world-systems analysis. Both theories are used to explain the complex relationship between Israel and the Palestinians and the relationship of dependence that has been perpetuated by Israel since the signing of the Oslo Agreement in 1993.

In the midst of the chaos and violence of civil-ethnic conflict, there is often little attention paid to the economic consequences which endure long past the moment of crisis. In conflicts that end in situations of prolonged occupation of one national group over another, complex and enduring dependencies develop between occupier and occupied. Since the 1967 Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Palestinian economy has grown highly dependent upon the Israeli economy and has developed within the confines of Israeli military power. When the second Palestinian Intifada broke out in September 2000, the Palestinian economy suffered further. This paper discusses the Palestinian economy through the framework of dependency theory and world-systems analysis. Both theories are used to explain the complex relationship between Israel and the Palestinians and the relationship of dependence that has been perpetuated by Israel since the signing of the Oslo Agreement in 1993.

The economic competition between the Netherlands, France and England is documented in the atlases published in Amsterdam, Paris and London between 1500 and 1800. However, the relationship between mapping and economic processes remains mostly unexplored in the history of cartography. World-system theory has application to the history of cartography in the early modern period for identifying the linkages between cartography and long-term economic processes.This research analyzes the production of maps, specifically in world and maritime atlases, in these three cities as the geographic expression of the emergent capitalist world system in early modern Europe. The economic concepts of core and periphery as proposed by Immanuel Wallerstein are defined cartographically in the structural morphologies of Dutch, French and English atlases published in this period. Each country mapped itself as a core and such cartographic self-definitions reflect their individual geographic and economic contexts. The Netherlands and England created core atlases in the sixteenth century that evolved in support of business and transport as well as state interests. The French core atlas initiated at the end of the seventeenth century was a governmentally sponsored survey dedicated primarily toward state administration control. The Netherlands, Fance and England also mapped their continental and extra-European peripheries in world and maritime atlases. Dutch engagement in long-distance trade in agricultural commodities created world-system commodity chains of production. Dutch maritime atlases defined these networks of commercial opportunity for the first time. The creators of the first printed world atlases, Dutch cartographers also structured their productions of atlases as a commercial enterprise marketed toward an international clientele. Dutch maritime atlases were an important innovation and Amsterdam atlas publication dominated cartography in the seventeenth century. English publishers adopted Dutch innovations in map production and succeeded to dominance in printing atlases whose structural morphology embodies a world-system of commodity networks. The relationship of cartography to long-term economic processes is demonstrated by the Dutch and English atlases. Early modern world atlases portray the cartographic world-view of core and periphery. The maritime atlases provide the first portrayal of long-distance trade networks that continue to characterize the capitalist exchange of commodities globally.

The economic competition between the Netherlands, France and England is documented in the atlases published in Amsterdam, Paris and London between 1500 and 1800. However, the relationship between mapping and economic processes remains mostly unexplored in the history of cartography. World-system theory has application to the history of cartography in the early modern period for identifying the linkages between cartography and long-term economic processes.This research analyzes the production of maps, specifically in world and maritime atlases, in these three cities as the geographic expression of the emergent capitalist world system in early modern Europe. The economic concepts of core and periphery as proposed by Immanuel Wallerstein are defined cartographically in the structural morphologies of Dutch, French and English atlases published in this period. Each country mapped itself as a core and such cartographic self-definitions reflect their individual geographic and economic contexts. The Netherlands and England created core atlases in the sixteenth century that evolved in support of business and transport as well as state interests. The French core atlas initiated at the end of the seventeenth century was a governmentally sponsored survey dedicated primarily toward state administration control. The Netherlands, Fance and England also mapped their continental and extra-European peripheries in world and maritime atlases. Dutch engagement in long-distance trade in agricultural commodities created world-system commodity chains of production. Dutch maritime atlases defined these networks of commercial opportunity for the first time. The creators of the first printed world atlases, Dutch cartographers also structured their productions of atlases as a commercial enterprise marketed toward an international clientele. Dutch maritime atlases were an important innovation and Amsterdam atlas publication dominated cartography in the seventeenth century. English publishers adopted Dutch innovations in map production and succeeded to dominance in printing atlases whose structural morphology embodies a world-system of commodity networks. The relationship of cartography to long-term economic processes is demonstrated by the Dutch and English atlases. Early modern world atlases portray the cartographic world-view of core and periphery. The maritime atlases provide the first portrayal of long-distance trade networks that continue to characterize the capitalist exchange of commodities globally.

The economic competition between the Netherlands, France and England is documented in the atlases published in Amsterdam, Paris and London between 1500 and 1800. However, the relationship between mapping and economic processes remains mostly unexplored in the history of cartography. World-system theory has application to the history of cartography in the early modern period for identifying the linkages between cartography and long-term economic processes.This research analyzes the production of maps, specifically in world and maritime atlases, in these three cities as the geographic expression of the emergent capitalist world system in early modern Europe. The economic concepts of core and periphery as proposed by Immanuel Wallerstein are defined cartographically in the structural morphologies of Dutch, French and English atlases published in this period. Each country mapped itself as a core and such cartographic self-definitions reflect their individual geographic and economic contexts. The Netherlands and England created core atlases in the sixteenth century that evolved in support of business and transport as well as state interests. The French core atlas initiated at the end of the seventeenth century was a governmentally sponsored survey dedicated primarily toward state administration control. The Netherlands, Fance and England also mapped their continental and extra-European peripheries in world and maritime atlases. Dutch engagement in long-distance trade in agricultural commodities created world-system commodity chains of production. Dutch maritime atlases defined these networks of commercial opportunity for the first time. The creators of the first printed world atlases, Dutch cartographers also structured their productions of atlases as a commercial enterprise marketed toward an international clientele. Dutch maritime atlases were an important innovation and Amsterdam atlas publication dominated cartography in the seventeenth century. English publishers adopted Dutch innovations in map production and succeeded to dominance in printing atlases whose structural morphology embodies a world-system of commodity networks. The relationship of cartography to long-term economic processes is demonstrated by the Dutch and English atlases. Early modern world atlases portray the cartographic world-view of core and periphery. The maritime atlases provide the first portrayal of long-distance trade networks that continue to characterize the capitalist exchange of commodities globally.

The archaeological remains at Hacienda Tabi provide an opportunity to study the effects of large-scale societal changes on the lives of the Maya who worked on the hacienda. The households, represented by the ruins of the worker’s village surrounding the main hacienda grounds, were at the core of late colonial/independence era Maya life. These households were subject to the forces of acculturation that accompanied the rise and supremacy of the hacienda system during the late eighteenth century. Archaeological excavations at Hacienda Tabi have revealed a re-orientation of social organization during this period. Prior to the formation of the hacienda system, domestic and social organization focused on kinship and extended family subsistence organization. Social status, wealth, and power in pre-hacienda communities were predicated on issues of age, sex, and familial rank within both the extended family and community. The hacienda system brought about fundamental changes in the organization and relations of production. These changes, e.g. the separation of producer from the means of production and commodity based production versus subsistence based production, changed the basis and therefore the form of Yucatecan social organization. Under the new system, the nuclear family rather than the extended family or community became the prime unit of social organization. In the hacienda community status was based on occupation and one’s place within the newly established labor hierarchy. The changing realities of social organization found under the hacienda system are reflected in the settlement patterns and material remains of the workers’ village at Hacienda Tabi. The material culture and types of housing excavated and recorded at Tabi underscore the inequalities engendered within the hacienda system of production. The research conducted at Hacienda Tabi has illuminated the changes associated with Yucatan’s articulation into the greater world system.

The economic competition between the Netherlands, France and England is documented in the atlases published in Amsterdam, Paris and London between 1500 and 1800. However, the relationship between mapping and economic processes remains mostly unexplored in the history of cartography. World-system theory has application to the history of cartography in the early modern period for identifying the linkages between cartography and long-term economic processes.This research analyzes the production of maps, specifically in world and maritime atlases, in these three cities as the geographic expression of the emergent capitalist world system in early modern Europe. The economic concepts of core and periphery as proposed by Immanuel Wallerstein are defined cartographically in the structural morphologies of Dutch, French and English atlases published in this period. Each country mapped itself as a core and such cartographic self-definitions reflect their individual geographic and economic contexts. The Netherlands and England created core atlases in the sixteenth century that evolved in support of business and transport as well as state interests. The French core atlas initiated at the end of the seventeenth century was a governmentally sponsored survey dedicated primarily toward state administration control. The Netherlands, Fance and England also mapped their continental and extra-European peripheries in world and maritime atlases. Dutch engagement in long-distance trade in agricultural commodities created world-system commodity chains of production. Dutch maritime atlases defined these networks of commercial opportunity for the first time. The creators of the first printed world atlases, Dutch cartographers also structured their productions of atlases as a commercial enterprise marketed toward an international clientele. Dutch maritime atlases were an important innovation and Amsterdam atlas publication dominated cartography in the seventeenth century. English publishers adopted Dutch innovations in map production and succeeded to dominance in printing atlases whose structural morphology embodies a world-system of commodity networks. The relationship of cartography to long-term economic processes is demonstrated by the Dutch and English atlases. Early modern world atlases portray the cartographic world-view of core and periphery. The maritime atlases provide the first portrayal of long-distance trade networks that continue to characterize the capitalist exchange of commodities globally.

In this dissertation, I outline a theoretical justification for a new world systems analysis in order to understand economic development and underdevelopment, and stratification systems that emerge within nation states because of their global social location. I present my detailed case for amending Wallerstein's World-Systems Analysis by empirically incorporating the interplay of the military, economy and state as opposed to his primarily economic division of labor that defines the core, periphery and semi periphery. I do this by uncovering the latent structure of militarization and its articulation within the world system controlling for state strength. I also outline the basic profile of my Militarized International System (MIS) model based on an extension of C. Wright Mills' Power Elite (1956) thesis and empirically develop the model using a militarized division of labor. With data on 173 nation states, I validate my model through analysis of variance (ANOVA) and multivariate OLS regression. I also outline a theoretical articulation of class, race and gender stratification in the world system informed by the empirical findings. In the end, I make suggestions for "undoing" stratification to inform movements seeking social justice based upon the world-systemic nature of global stratification, where stratification in its articulation cannot be localized and therefore cannot be "fixed" locally within particular nation states.

Through the investigation of the strategies and tactics the San Juan de Santa Cruz family used in local contexts, this study demonstrates how Spanish colonists were able to access the global economy. Beyond the construction of family and political networks, the brothers connected the peripheries of Manila- Acapulco, Veracruz, and Nueva Vizcaya in order to manage and expand their family business empire beyond the cores of Mexico City or the crown in Spain. Each chapter of the dissertation focuses on the local strategies employed by Francisco and Manuel in particular peripheries, and investigates the links created by the family between peripheral locations in an effort to access the global economy, avoiding core areas in the process. Relying on the conceptual language of Immanuel Wallerstein's world-system, but following a creative opening cracked by Andre Gunder Frank, this study posits a multi- polar world system in which there were multiple cores, namely Asia, Mexico, and Europe. Mexico is centered in this study as a core that controls aspects of Europe's access to the commanding Asian export economy. The role of peripheries within the Mexican core provides an opportunity to reevaluate the relationship of cores to peripheries, and illustrates the role of merchant- bureaucrats, located in the Americas, in the early modern world economy.

The Lake Atitlan Basin of highland Guatemala boasted fertile soils and was rich in natural resources, making it an attractive area for permanent settlement. However, the region lacked a number of important items, such as salt, cotton, and obsidian, all of which had to be obtained through trade. Good agricultural land was also scarce in certain parts of the lake and the steep hillslopes were easily eroded, making it necessary for communities to maintain access to emergency supplies of corn. Lake Atitlan’s communities were therefore highly dependent on exchanges with neighboring groups who occupied contrasting ecological zones, especially those in the Pacific Coast. However, the Pacific piedmont was a corridor of interregional trade and a source of valuable goods such as cacao; factors which made it a focus of political contestation and instability. Additionally, the lower coast appears to have been vulnerable to episodes of drought, prompting periodic migrations to higher altitudes. All of these factors must have made it challenging for the communities of Lake Atitlan to maintain access to the resources they needed, and therefore to sustain their way of life. And while there is currently no evidence to suggest a collapse or abandonment of the lake, the majority of the existing data comes from a small number of sites concentrated near the southern shore and the lack of rural settlement data makes it impossible to assess the impact that broad scale political, economic, and environmental changes had on the general population of the lake and their internal organization. The Lake Atitlan Archaeological Project (PALA) set out to rectify this situation by generating systematic settlement and ceramic data for an important sub-region of the lake, namely the southwestern shore. The current dissertation combines the data generated by this project with data from previous investigations, to provide a more comprehensive synthesis of the cultural-historic development of the lake and to place this development in its broader Mesoamerican context. Drawing on resilience and world systems concepts, the two main questions that I set out to answer in this dissertation are: How did Lake Atitlan’s socio-cultural systems adapt to broad scale fluctuations in the Mesoamerican world system, and, did these adaptations succeed in producing a more resilient society?