Thesis (M.S.)--Auburn University, 2008. / Abstract. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-46).

No description available.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of North Texas, Aug., 2007. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Following the 2004 U.S. presidential election, articles from the Associated Press and major news organizations came to very different conclusions regarding the impact of young voters on the election outcome. While some media outlets framed the youth turnout as a success, others framed it as a failure. This experimental study (N=237) utilized a pre-test/post-test design to build upon research on framing theory and political information efficacy theory. Articles about youth voter turnout in the 2004 election served as the stimuli to test the effects of news frame valence and frame substance on college student respondents' levels of trust, cynicism, and political information efficacy. Results indicated that while valence and level of substance of a news article may affect political attitudes, changes between experimental groups were not significant. Cynicism was negatively correlated with political information efficacy and trust. Attitudinal measures accounted for a significant amount of variance in respondents' interest in the 2006 campaign as well as perceived importance of both political engagement and youth voter turnout in past and future campaigns. / Master of Arts

This thesis examines political efficacy and youth non-voting in New Zealand. Drawing from a focus group discussion and depth interviews with 20 young people, I compare and contrast the attitudes and experiences of 18-24 year-old voters and non-voters. I assess whether the theory of political efficacy is a useful conceptual tool for distinguishing between their attitudes, and evaluate the ability of efficacy theory to explain youth non-voting in New Zealand. The thesis draws attention to the oft-overlooked benefits of using qualitative methods to conduct political science research. Based on my research, I find that the standard (quantitative) operationalisation of efficacy obscures the complex and nuanced nature of young people's thoughts about politics. Depth interviews and focus groups are found to be valuable means to gain insight into the political attitudes of young people, as - unlike quantitative methods - they allow participants to elucidate themselves using language and ideas of their own. A purposive sampling strategy using snowball referrals also proved to be a useful way to recruit young non-voters, indicating to future researchers that such an approach may be a good way to access disengaged populations. Contrary to the predictions of efficacy theory and to the findings of research in the quantitative tradition, I find fewer differences between young voters and non-voters than expected: the interviews and focus group in fact reveal surprising similarities in the political efficacy of young voters and non-voters. Through my research I identify three types of young non-voters: 'disinterested', 'inconvenienced' and 'principled' non-voters, each of whom give different and diverse explanations for their non-participation. These findings suggest that the usefulness of efficacy theory as an explanation for youth non-voting may have been overstated, and my research highlights the need to remain open to other explanations for youth electoral disengagement - such as rational choice and post-materialist theories.

No description available.

Despite the lack of consequences for not voting, many Americans do consider it a duty to participate in elections, with the exception of American youth, who have habitually failed to participate. In this study, the efficacy of contact among youth voters is studied as it relates to Election Day turnout and vote choice. Although political parties continue to exhaust vast resources on contact in an effort to mobilize the youth, it was not until the 2008 Presidential Election that American youth showed a significant increase in turnout. Rather than continue to expend resources on forms of contact that do not impact the cohort that most needs a method of mobilization, the useful forms can be identified and employed in the present and future. To determine which traditional form or forms of contact have the greatest positive impact on American youth, data from the 2008 American National Election Study is analyzed. In addition, to determine which new types of technology will most likely be useful in the future of youth mobilization, data was gathered from a sample set of 100 college students. The data from the 2008 ANES determined that Young Democrats were most highly affected by contact in terms of voter turnout. The affect of contact among young voters is to gain a larger portion of their vote than amongst older voters, but the Democratic Party stands out as the party most successful in doing so. Contact proved to have a positive effect on the people who need it least, those who already identify with a political party, and the least positive effect on those who need it most. Change in the methodology of contact alone will not be successful in getting these people to share their political beliefs, learn about candidates and parties, or even to vote on Election Day.