Thesis (MDF)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examined the causal relationship between foreign direct investment and domestic savings in Zambia. Data over the period 1970–2012 was extracted from the World Development Indicator and Global Economic Monitor Databases (2014). The study employed the Johansen cointegration approach to establish the long-standing relationship between domestic savings and foreign direct investment. In addition, the Granger causality test was also carried out to examine the causal relationship between foreign direct investment and gross domestic savings. The results suggest that although foreign direct investment inflow can lead to domestic savings growth in the short run, in the long run it would substitute domestic savings. This implies that the effect of the increased inflows of foreign direct investment experienced in the recent past may in the long run hurt domestic savings growth in Zambia. Policy makers should therefore improve the governance mechanism for the use and monitoring of foreign direct investment inflows in Zambia and promote diversification away from mining, the main economic activity that accounts for more than 60 percent of direct foreign investment in Zambia. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het ondersoek ingestel na die oorsaaklikheidsverwantskap tussen direkte buitelandse belegging en binnelandse besparing in Zambië. Data vir die tydperk 1970 tot 2012 is uit die Wêreldbank se databasisse World Development Indicators en Global Economic Monitor (2014) bekom. Die studie het die Johansen-benadering van ko-integrasie gevolg om die lank bestaande verwantskap tussen binnelandse besparing en direkte buitelandse belegging te bepaal. Daarbenewens is die Granger-oorsaaklikheidstoets uitgevoer om die oorsaaklikheidsverwantskap tussen direkte buitelandse belegging en bruto binnelandse besparing te ondersoek. Die resultate dui daarop dat hoewel die invloeiing van direkte buitelandse belegging binnelandse besparing op kort termyn ’n hupstoot sal gee, dit binnelandse besparing op lang termyn sal vervang. Dít impliseer dat die verhoogde direkte buitelandse belegging wat in die onlangse verlede ondervind is, op lang termyn ’n skadelike uitwerking op groei in binnelandse besparing in Zambië kan hê. Beleidsvormers behoort dus die beheermeganisme vir die aanwending en monitering van direkte buitelandse belegging in Zambië te verbeter en diversifikasie aan te moedig weg van mynbou, die vernaamste ekonomiese aktiwiteit in die land wat tans vir meer as 60% van alle direkte buitelandse belegging in Zambië sorg.

This study begins with a statistical survey setting out the parameters of Zambia's socio-economic decline in the 1980s. In order to unravel the complex reasons for the crisis, the study develops and employs an historical structural framework which emphasises the interconnectedness of historical, political, economic and social processes . Thereafter, an explanation of Zambia's political and economic development is presented as a background for understanding how and why the IMF came to play an increasingly decisive role in the management of the economic crisis in the 1980s. It is argued that patron-client politics in conjunction with a 'coincidence of interests' between local elite and international capital, entrenched the distorted mono-export dependent economy which, in turn, accelerated the economic decline and debt crisis of the 1980s. After presenting an overview of the Fund's philosophy and objectives, close attention is paid to the impact of SAPs on Zambia, especially in terms of how such policies as subsidy withdrawal, de-regulation and devaluation affected the economy, debt-reduction, health and education. While there is no incontrovertible evidence that adjustment policies caused the crisis, they have been largely ineffective in reversing Zambia's economic decline. In fact, due to the IMF's ahistorical and apolitical approach, any gains have been ephemeral and, in many instances, served to exacerbate the suffering of the population. Finally, Zambia's political structures have proved unable and unwilling to implement IMF reforms consistently and this underlies the central point that SAPs, as a strategy, cannot ensure long-term sustainable development.

Thesis Presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the Faculty of Law, Commerce and Management University of Witwatersrand June 2016 / Zambia has had impressive economic performance in the last decade and half, however its growth remains unsustainable due to a number of factors that range from poor terms of trade to challenges in macroeconomic management. In addition, the country’s weak economic and political institutional framework characterised by insecure property rights and uncertainty in the policy environment pose further challenges to economic growth. Although the country has undertaken a number of economic reforms in recent years to spur growth, their impact has been modest because of weak institutional setups and capacity constraints. Notably, certain key policy reforms and programmes that are critical for enhancing economic performance in Zambia have not been implemented because of institutional and administrative weaknesses underpinned by policy inconsistencies and policy reversals. Against this background, the main purpose of this study is to investigate the impacts of formal institutions particularly property rights and political instability on economic growth in Zambia. It achieves this by extending Fedderke et al. (2011)’s time series on property rights and political instability measures on Zambia by constructing comparable indices that are later merged with the initial series. The merged series are then used to capture the institutional dimensions on economic output in Zambia from 1965 to 2010. The study uses in its methodology a PSS-F test to determine causality among variables of interest and later applies the VECM estimation procedure to determine cointegration and long-run relationships among the regressors. Despite the increasing role and influence of formal institutions in economic development, there have been relatively few empirical studies that have specifically examined their impacts at country level. This study is therefore an attempt to partially fill the void by throwing light on the impact of property rights and political instability on Zambia’s economic growth over the study period. The study findings have confirmed the hypothesis that there is a strong and positive relationship between property rights and the level of economic growth. The results have been validated using Zambia as a case study and hence the findings are consistent with empirical evidence and economic theory in new institutional economics (NIE). Noteworthy is the strong and positive effect of property rights on real GDP—clearly suggesting that potential investors will always take into account a country’s institutional environment before investing their resources. This means that a good performance in the rating of the property rights index on the scale between 0 and 100 leads to a corresponding strong economic performance in Zambia. By implication, a higher rating of the property rights index suggests a well secured regime of property rights. Conversely, a lower rating of the property rights index implies deterioration in the quality and enforcement of property rights in the country and hence adverse to economic growth. Thus, the findings are in line with several similar empirical works that conclude that formal economic institutions (property rights) are the fundamental cause of income differences and longrun growth between and among countries. As expected, our study also found a strong but negative relationship between political instability and economic performance. This means that perverse political institutions such as violent civil protests, political violence, attempted military coups, labour and/or industrial unrest in Zambia are a disincentive to economic growth as they discourage long-term investments. Investors are generally driven by perceptions, that is, the more politically stable an economy is assumed to be, the higher the chances of attracting foreign direct investments. Conversely, the stronger the negative perceptions about an economy the less likely will investors bring in their resources—hence the need for political stability. The findings are consistent and comparable to many other studies that found that political instability was significantly related to economic growth and that an increase in instability, other things being equal, always tends to lower real growth rate over time. The study also examined the impacts of selected macroeconomic policy variables namely foreign direct investments (FDI), credit to the private sector (CRDTP), trade openness (TROP), capital formation (CALARAT) and human capital (ENROLL) on Zambia’s real GDP and found that they had a strong feedback effect on growth performance. In terms of policy implications, the study recommends that authorities should invest in efforts that strengthen the regime of property rights and the rule of law for strong economic performance in Zambia. More specifically, the authorities should respect and enforce private property rights through impartial courts of law to instil confidence in the investor community. In addition, the government should promote social dialogue and foster an environment of industrial harmony to avoid labour-related unrest and political conflicts (political instability) that have a potential to hurt the business environment by scaring off would-be investors. / MB2016

Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities of the University of the Witwatersrand Department of Sociology/ Global Labour University, in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of MA Labour and Development, Labour Policy &Globalization, 2015 / This study investigates the environmental costs of copper mining in a mining Township of Kankoyo in Mufulira, Zambia. It investigates the ways in which the mine workers in this community experience, assess and respond to the pervasive environmental degradation caused by mining operations. The study indicates that the people of Kankoyo have an implied understanding (physical experiences e.g. smoke, dust etc.) of the risks in their environment but lack explicit knowledge (long term effects). Second, the working class are now in an awkward position between participating in activism against the company that pollutes their environment and the need to keep their jobs. Third, experiences with a polluted environment have divided the Kankoyo between those who engage in community mobilisation (the unemployed) and those who don’t because they want to protect their jobs (the mine workers). As experiences take a gender dimension, women tend to suffer more due to the gender roles they play. Fourth, given their helplessness, the people of Kankoyo now plead for social services not in social justice terms but as a compensation for the pollution suffered. The core conclusion is that workers understand environmental threats but: (a) they have little awareness of the long-term effects and (b) they tend to minimise them. For these workers their economic security i.e. employment, is primary and they prioritise the immediate over the longer term, thus (c) they have not responded to this issue in an organised way, rather their unions tend to focus on traditional workplace/pay issues. In addition, state and environmental organisations’ responses are inadequate. Consequently, the community is forced to accept the negative environmental impacts on their lives and the environment. Therefore, the study makes the following arguments: (a) Mineral resource led development in Zambia has failed. Instead, it has led to devastating environmental and health impacts on the nearby communities; (b) that the provision of social services and housing to the mine workers, and revenue to the government only served to divert attention from the long term and ongoing environmental degradation that has taken place overtime. The slug dams, the accumulated dust heaps, leach plants and long term environmental degradation on the copperbelt attest to this; (c) that the corporate policy on housing only served the interests of the mining companies by stabilising the workforce without regard for the arising health impacts; and; (d) privatisation has increased the vulnerability of the working class to environmental costs of mining. In the end, from the shattered hopes of a good life ‘modernisation’ emerges in the words of one respondent a ‘development’ of ‘environmental suffering’, as Kankoyo remains a ‘bomb waiting to explode’. / XL2018

A thesis submitted in fulfillment for the degree of doctor of Philosophy in Management from Witwatersrand Business School at the University of Witwatersrand, December 2016 / Mining is an activity that many African countries depend on, and Africa’s export-oriented mining and quarrying is driven primarily by the commodity hunger of the world’s largest economies. In developing countries commodity exports form the most significant portion of exports. Although economic benefits are present because of mining activities, due to the scale and destructive nature of these mining activities some negative impacts are felt on the environment in terms of deforestation, land degradation, toxic water, and loss of farm lands to make way for mining activities. Using Botswana and Zambia as cases due to their institutional differences, mineral production and variety of ore, the study was conducted to see how mining activities affect communities in 216 households. Using a case approach, three primary sources of data in the form of household surveys, focus group discussions and the key informant interviews were used to capture data needed to answer the main research questions. Empirical research revealed that the socio-economic impacts of mining are mining induced displacement and resettlement (MIDR), the environment, infrastructure and social amenities, health, and the social fabric. The quantitative findings from the Relative Importance Index (RII) indicated that infrastructure and social amenities was the most important factor affecting communities, other important factors were health, and employment. Qualitative results highlighted negative environmental impacts as a result of a lack of law enforcement in Zambia, a fragmented social fabric in both Botswana and Zambia, and an overall improvement in health facilities more so in Zambia than Botswana. In addition, Zambia had a presence of mafia activity in the form of Jerabos and Chondos whereas Botswana had no reported evidence of mafia like activities. Theoretically, the study provided a new dimension of analysis of socio-economic impact which included the macro and meso-level as a better method of assessment of mining impact in communities. Through the empirical findings, a theory was abstracted to position the law as a key determinant of the quality of institutions and not just as one of the listed factors that affect institutional quality. The findings showed that the law greatly influences state capacity to promote economic development. A major difference in mining law in Zambia and Botswana is government’s involvement in the implementation of the law. Botswana shows evidence of more government influence on mining operations than Zambia which reduces the incidence of rent seeking behavior in Botswana, and shows that Botswana has better institutional quality than Zambia. However, global legal practices show that both countries require legal reform to improve their institutional quality and mitigate negative mining impacts. Legal frameworks for robust environmental protection, community engagement, and compensation are needed in both Botswana, and Zambia. Institutional quality is based on the extent to which the law is understood by all stakeholders and implemented. / MT2017

This thesis examines the history of domestic service in Zambia from the 1960s to the present day. Domestic service was one of the largest sectors of urban employment throughout this period and involved large numbers of men, women and children selling and buying labour in a variety of working arrangements. The sector has, however, received little scholarly or official attention, reflecting a broader historiographical neglect of informal sector employment and the female workers who predominate in this area of the economy. The lack of attention paid to domestic service by academics and policy-makers has considerably limited the questions that have been asked about who workers are and how processes of reproduction and production have been organized at a household and societal level in Zambia, both historically and in the present. Most immediately, in order to work outside of the home, earn money and access crucial resources, thousands of Zambians needed to find someone else to take care of their homes and children. Drawing on a wide range of source material, this study demonstrates the importance of domestic service to social and economic relations in post-colonial Zambia. The study centres on domestic service arrangements in black households in the capital city of Lusaka. It examines how and why men, women and children found work in service, how and why employers sought help with domestic and care labour, and the relationships that developed between these parties. The study illustrates the diversity of the sector, with working arrangements varying from seemingly-informal kinship-based labour relations at one end of the spectrum to formalised, contractual employment at the other. The study also explains the gendered and generational shifts that have reshaped domestic service over the last fifty years, drawing attention to the increased significance of women and female children's labour. Overall this thesis provides new insights into class formation, rural-urban dependencies, gender relations, and the nature of inequality in a post-colonial African city.

This study assesses the effects of an agribusiness collapse, on the contracted growers and their surrounding communities in Lusaka Province, Zambia. In 2004, Agriflora Limited, a Trans-Zambezi Industries Limited (TZI) agribusiness in Lusaka Zambia was sold off. Agriflora Limited was one ofthe largest fresh vegetable exporters in Africa. It had contracted almost 500 small-scale farmers with 1-4 hectares of land within 50 km radius of Lusaka to grow vegetables for export. Makeni Cooperative Society was one of the targeted groups of growers. It grew baby corn, mangetout peas, and sugar snap and fine beans for export. The case study relied on both primary and secondary data. I undertook two months of ethnographic fieldwork utilising observations, in-depth interviews and informal discussions with some community members in Makeni. I also reviewed the literature on contract farming schemes (documenting both the negative and positive effects for growers) in developing countries. The case study showed that the impact of the collapse of Agriflora on the growers has been severe indeed; there has been a significant reduction in production with only a few farmers producing for export. Those that are producing are limited to one crop, baby corn. The effect on the local labour market (farm workers) has been quite drastic with a drop in employment. A new agribusiness company, York Farm, was sourced by the government for the contract growers of Makeni. York Farm has signed a procurement contract under which only sale and purchase conditions are specified. This means that, services such as extension services are no longer provided. It was also found that despite the price for baby corn at York Farm being better than what Agriflora used to offer the farmers, farmers are not producing peas which have a higher turnover than baby corn because York farm does not buy peas from the farmers. However, the farmers are hopeful that they will soon start producing peas after they pass the Eurep gap requirements. Furthermore, the farmers are still interested in contract farming as they are convinced that it can lead to higher farm incomes. While the neoliberal critique of the pre- Structural Adjustment agricultural policies was based on the need to improve rural farming income and productivity, my study shows that the contract farmers are not the "traditional" peasant farmers but retired civil servants or former public sector employees who lost their jobs during the contraction of the sector. In conclusion, my field work revealed that the collapse of Agriflora has had negative effects on the growers of MCS in terms a significant decrease in crop production, decline in farmer income, lack of technical assistance such as extension services, transportation problems (to take produce to the new market-York Farm) and reduced contraction in employment opportunities for farm workers.

This study attempts to present a comparative analysis of the implication of the IMF in Zambia and South Africa in its Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). In examining the IMF programme, the study focuses on the Fund's understanding of such economies and its prescriptions for development. It is argued that IMF's familiar orthodoxy will have disastrous consequences for South Africa's poor, disadvantaged and rural communities. Finally, the IMF's market-oriented policy prescriptions are likely to erode democracy and have devastating effects to people-centred development programmes such as the RDP.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 2000, Chinese FDI in Zambia has steadily increased. Focused predominantly on resource extraction, China is now the third largest investor in Zambia, after only the United States and South Africa. As the title suggests, this FDI is recognized as relevant to Zambia’s developmental discourse. However, with general development indicators, there is challenge in establishing immediate causality between (Chinese) FDI and development. To address this, this study employs Capability Approach development theory, which utilizes a framework to evaluate social and political realities. Utilizing this framework, key indicators are used to look more deeply into the discussion around China’s FDI for Zambia’s development. There has been a great deal of speculation as to potential costs and/or benefits Chinese FDI may offer Zambia. As China offers Zambia a partnership of non-domestic interference, unique from Zambia’s traditional western syndicates, debate is raised as to what influence it will have on Zambia’s developmental progress. With challenges including limited information, numerous potential indicators to utilize, and a large number of contributing voices, the debate thus far lacks a means for evaluating the substance of claims made within the context of national trends. This study reviews and evaluates the debate within the framework of seven key socioeconomic and political indicators. While within economic growth and infrastructure expansion Chinese FDI are shown to indicate a conduciveness to development, FDI is not shown to be conducive for market diversification, challenging corruption, or strengthening institutions. The study therefore shows that trends of Chinese FDI’s relevance to Zambian employment and state dependency to be mixed and that assessments will need to disentangle various Chinese activities and will also need to consider contradictory effects. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die jaar 2000 het Chinese direkte buitelandse belegging (DBB) in Zambië stelselmatig begin toeneem. Die groei is hoofsaaklik gekonsentreer in die hulpbron ontgunnings sektore. China is tans die derde grootste belegger in Zambia naas die Verenigde State van Amerika en Suid Afrika. Soos die titel van die tesis aandui, word DBB beskou as relevant tot Zambië se ontwikkelings dialoog. Aangesien die oorsaaklikheid tussen DBB en ontwikkeling nie maklik vasgestel kan word nie, word sleutel aanwysers gebruik om dieper in die gesprek rondom Chinese DBB ten opsigte van Zambiese ontwikkeling in te kyk. Tans is daar 'n groot mate van spekulasie aan potensiële risikos en/of voordele van Chinese DBB vir Zambië. China bied Zambië ‘n venootskap sonder inmenging in binnelandse beleid, anders as Westerse finansiering wat gekoppel word aan voorwaardes, en dit is wat die vraag lig; wat gaan die uiteindelikke invloed en effek wees op Zambiese ontwikkeling in die toekoms. Met uitdagings soos beperkte inligting, vele moontlikke aanwysers en ‘n groot aantal opinies, kort die debad tot dusver die vermoë om die waarde van argumente te evalueer binne die konteks van nasionale tendense. Hierdie studie evalueer die debat binne die raamwerk van sewe sleutel sosio-ekonomiese en politiese aanwysers. Chinese DBB word bevind om bevorderlik te wees ten opsigte van ontwikkeling in die infrastruktuur ontwikkeling- en ekonomiese groei sektore; dit word egter nie bevind as bevorderlik in terme van mark-diversifikasie, die teenkanting van korrupsie, of in die versterking van politieke instellings nie. Chinese DBB se invloed op indiensneming en op die afhanklikheid van die Zambiese staat toon gemengde resultate, en dat assesering verskeie Chinese aktiwiteite sal moet ontrafel en ook teenstrydigge effekte in gedagte moet hou.

Assignment (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While admitting that the ambitious privatization programme embarked on from 1991 to date in Zambia has contributed to unemployment largely due to the closure of privatized parastatal companies, post-privatization business conduct of investors need analyzing in order to understand why the expected economic growth and job creation in the country has never taken place. In this article the role the local political leadership, globalization and the tendency towards misplaced policy formulation play in driving the state of under development in Zambia will be analysed. The inherent weaknesses in the New Partnership for Africa’s Development which may further deny poor African countries such as Zambia, the benefits of a well timed and supported programme to provide home grown solutions for the continent’s numerous developmental problems will also be looked at. The paper will contribute towards resolving Zambia’s problems by suggesting the need to formulate policies which create a positive interface between local policies adopted to support and attract investment, and the motives driving the global players to invest in particular countries. In particular this paper focuses on the absence of good investment policy formulation, and consequently, the absence of the full economic benefit which should be derived by the economy for hosting multinational business enterprises such as the Shoprite Checkers Group. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ambisieuse privatiserings program wat sedert 1991 in Zambië gevolg word, het hoofsaaklik as gevolg van die sluiting van geprivatiseerde semistaatsmaatskappye tot werkloosheid bygedra. Die sake-optrede van beleggers ná privatisering moet egter ontleed word ten einde te verstaan waarom die verwagte ekonomiese groei en werkskepping nooit in hierdie land plaasgevind het nie. In hierdie artikel sal die rol wat die plaaslike politieke leierskap, globalisering en die neiging na misplaaste beleidsformulering in onderontwikkeling in Zambië speel, ondersoek word. Die inherente tekortkominge in die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika-ontwikkeling wat arm Afrikalande soos Zambië moontlik die voordele van ’n geleë en ondersteunde program om eie oplossings vir die kontinent se veelvuldige ontwikkelingsprobleme te bied, ontsê, sal ook onder die loep geneem word. Hierdie artikel sal ter oplossing van Zambië se probleme voorstel dat beleid geformuleer word wat ’n positiewe raakvlak bied tussen plaaslike beleid wat aangeneem is om belegging te lok en te ondersteun, en die beweegredes agter wêreldrolspelers se besluite om in spesifieke lande te belê. Hierdie artikel fokus veral op die afwesigheid van die formulering van goeie beleggingsbeleid en die gevolglike afwesigheid van die volle voordeel wat die ekonomie daaruit kan put om as gasheer vir multinasionale sake-ondernemigs soos die Shoprite Checkers Groep op te tree.