Problemformulering & Syfte: Tensta klassas som ett särskilt utsatt förortsområde och medieforskare har länge pekat på att kommunikationen om förorten i media genomsyras av stereotypisering genom gestaltningsprocesser. För många människor är medier den viktigaste källan till information. Det media kommunicerar bidrar till skapandet av föreställningar som påverkar både allmänhetens uppfattning om verkligheten i förorten och de som bor i dessa områdens syn på sig själva och sin hemort. Att kommunicera är att gestalta, varje gång vi kommunicerar med någon gestaltar vi verkligheten på något särskilt sätt och eftersom människan alltid strävar efter att skapa mening i tillvaron är gestaltningsprocesser ofrånkomliga. Med detta i åtanke har studien i syfte att undersöka hur förorten Tensta gestaltas i de svenska nyhetstidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Aftonbladet under perioden 1 januari 2019 till 31 december 2019.

During the year before the 2022 Swedish parliament election, law and order is one of the most debated topics. To discuss their views on the subject, the leaders of the eight parliament parties participate in a broadcasted debate hosted by the Swedish TV channel TV4. The party leader debates are viewed as one of the most important platforms for the party leaders' communication with the voters, and the participating journalists have an important role in deciding what will be discussed, and which questions are asked.  This thesis examines how the topic of law and order is constructed by the partaking party leaders and moderating journalists during the debate. This by the use of Norman Fairclough's model for critical discourse analysis, and with the theoretical approaches of Wodak, Giddens and ‘agenda setting theory’ to examine the debate on different analytical levels. The study finds that the topic of ‘law and order’ is constructed by including the debate of immigration, which makes immigrants the group most clearly connected to the debate. We could also derive that a certain amount of ‘rhetoric of fear’ was being used during the debate, where party leaders exemplified how the viewer could be subject to crime. Lastly, a recurring construction of the topic that could be found is that tougher penalties is described as a necessary measure to fight the criminality in Sweden from both the opposition parties and the government.

This paper studies how the new phenomenon of being woke is framed in cultural journalistic articles inswedish newspaper media from January 2017 to May 2021 (present day). Although the subject ofwokeness is rarely explored in academic articles, this study provides a basic knowledge about how thephenomenon is talked about in the Swedish context. With a qualitative content analysis connected totheories of framing, agenda-setting and cultural journalism, it provides new knowledge in the field.Results show how the use of the word and, in that respect, the agenda setting of the word started in 2019and increased during 2020. Also, the results in 2021 could indicate further increase during the rest ofthe present year. Mostly, cultural articles mentioning woke held a neutral approach, although therelatively high number of negatively approached articles could also be connected to frames of woke asleft political spheres, censur, identity politics, radicality and as destroyers of good quality art. Positiveframing of woke often tends to use the term as “something you should be” and the neutral frames oftenmention woke with an acceptance by mentioning it in passing or with a describing frame.

This essay will look into the relationship between an organization’s external crisis communication, in this case Swedbank’s communication, and the media’s use of for example agenda setting. The chosen organization is Swedbank because they have long been a target of the Swedish media. This relates to allegations that Swedbank was involved in money laundering. Two press releases on two different topics were used in the study. The topics will be discussed further down in the abstract.  Some of the media channels used in this essay were Aftonbladet and Expressen, which have a wide spread in the Swedish society and are known for publishing scandalous content. Other media channels that were examined are Dagens industri, Affärsvärlden and Realtid, which are more of business papers than newspapers. Despite the fact that Dagens industri occasionally publishes articles that are similar to those published by Aftonbladet and Expressen. SVT nyheter and Dagens nyheter were selected to represent a more typical newsreader.  The following questions are investigated in the essay: What are the differences between the information that the organization, in this case Swedbank, sends out versus what the different media channels report in their articles? What aspects of the organization’s crisis communication will the media focus on? The analysis investigated two different topics that had been covered in various ways by the media. The first topic was about how Swedbank admits that they had a flaw in their approach to dealing with risks of money laundering. The second topic was about Swedbank’s decision not to press charges against their former CEO. Overall the analysis found that the more business oriented media channels, Affärsvärlden, Realtid and Dagens industri, published nearly indentical information about the first topic as Swedbank. Although Realtid and Dagens industri were more critical of the second topic in their articles. Because Aftonbladet and Expressen wrote a large part about Swedbank’s former CEO, it can be seen as they wrote scandalously about the first topic. Expressen did not publish an article on the second topic, but Aftonbladet did and they focused on a more scandalous angle on the topic. Both Dagens nyheter and SVT nyheter reported information that was nearly identical to Swedbank’s press release. The conclusion of this essay is that the media will use an organization’s crisis communication if it’s interesting for their readers. Otherwise, the media channel will write what they believe will be most interesting to their readers.

The diploma thesis Czech media and public euroscepticism examines frames of public euroscepticism in Czech media agenda and public agenda. The thesis is framed in agenda- setting and framing theory which explains processes of shifting themes between public agenda, media agenda and political agenda. Plethora of studies set in agenda-setting and framing theory has proved correlations between media agenda and public agenda. The goal of this diploma thesis is to examine what is the correlation between Czech media agenda and public agenda in terms of public euroscepticism, which eurosceptic frames are brought in public agenda by media agenda and how pervasive those frames are. For the comparison of agendas is used the typology of public euroscepticism by Catharine Sørensen which consists of economic euroscepticism, euroscepticism based on sovereignty, democratic euroscepticism and social euroscepticism. Author postulates positive correlation between media agenda and public agenda and presence of pervasive frames in media agenda. The first part describes the theoretical frame of the thesis, the agenda-setting and framing theory. The second chapter presents existing research about euroscepticism on EU and Czech level. The third part describes the Czech public agenda based on the public opinion research,...

<p>  </p> <p>How did the issue of child marriage go from relative obscurity in the United States to occupy a prominent place on the agendas of the majority of state legislatures in the span of a few years? The marriage of minors is internationally recognized as a human rights abuse – yet, until recently, it has remained legal under state law. This issue has just in the last six years ascended to legislative agendas even without public attention or the backing of powerful lobbying groups. I argue that social movements were integral in heightening legislative attention to this low salience issue. The movement to end child marriage engaged in both outsider tactics like theatrical public protests and insider tactics like testifying in committee to engage legislators on this issue. Communications from social movement organizations framed underage marriage around survivor experiences and child protection. I complete two case studies of efforts to ban underage marriage in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. Pennsylvania became the third state to ban child marriage in 2020 while Massachusetts could not get a vote in both houses on marriage age reform. Evidence in this study includes analysis of traditional and social media campaigns and other archival materials as well as in-depth interviews with social movement actors and legislators. I also conduct a 50-state statistical analysis of those factors relevant to agenda setting and policy adoption on marriage age reforms. In case studies, I find social movement actors caught the interest of legislators even amongst an ambivalent public through their framing of child marriage and the centrality of child marriage survivors to their advocacy. I find a low salience issue like marriage age reform is less likely to reach policy adoption when those frames conflict with more salient issues like abortion. My findings in the longitudinal 50-state study support my hypotheses on the centrality of social movement actors at both the agenda setting and policy adoption phases. The existence of outsider tactics and online campaigns were both positively and statistically significantly related to a higher likelihood of agenda setting on marriage age reforms. In the policy adoption phase, the use of insider tactics is positively and statistically significantly related to a higher likelihood of adoption. This project increases our understanding of how social movements can drive policy change even in the absence of public attention through direct appeals to legislators. </p>

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The increasing presence of sustainability in multiple contexts of today’s societies has led to the phe- nomenon of proliferating representations of the term. A lack of consensus towards the terminology within theory and media representations formed the base for uncertain understandings in public. Corre- spondingly, this supports the argument for investigating the public’s representation of sustainability to contribute knowledge about the current understanding of the term in public. As a platform for open and globalized communication, social media, Instagram in specific, is considered as the research field for investigation. In detail, this analysis aims to investigate large-scale user-generated data with the ‘#sus- tainability’ on Instagram as the research context, to provide knowledge on the users’ representation of the phenomenon. A mixed-method approach of computational and human-driven qualitative and quan- titative content analysis enriched the scope of the analysis to an amount of 50.000 Instagram posts. Correspondingly, the analysis of over 770.000 co-occurred hashtags within the posts allowed a contex- tualization of the phenomenon to key themes represented by the platform’s users. According to framing and agenda-setting theory as theoretical frameworks of this thesis, the findings reveal a dominant fram- ing of sustainability from an environmental perspective, in correlation to the current media agenda. Moreover, the results disclose four key meta-frames, indicating dominant patterns of representing sus- tainability in the context of Eco-Efficiency, Accountability, Consumerism, and Identity. In addition to that, the findings revealed primarily positive framing towards sustainability by the public.The theoretical contribution is an analytical investigation of sustainability representation on Insta- gram, whereby co-occurred themes help to guide further initiatives to improve behavior change and the shift towards a sustainable future.

This study is set out to conduct a comparative analysis of mainstream and alternative media to understand how The Cape Times mainstream newspaper and GroundUp alternative online media outlet framed the 2017 “service delivery protests” in Cape Town, South Africa. Scholarly literature has demonstrated that the mainstream media marginalises the voices of certain communities and that the alternative media can fill this gap. Often, marginalised communities use protests to attract media coverage, as a way of reaching both the public and elected officials. Ultimately, numerous protest groups find it difficult to get the attention they desire, while news coverage of the social conflict is framed within a protests paradigm. The study analyses differences in the two media outlets’ coverage of social conflict, including the use of delegitimising devices such as the prominent use of official sources for quotes, while using dramatic frames that tend to ridicule protest action and portray them as violent. Qualitative and quantitative methods were used in a multimethod approach. The data was found in the SA Media news clippings database, supplemented by searches on Google and the GroundUp search engines. Coverage of the protest in GroundUp was in line with the literature, which states that the horizontal nature, bottom-up and fluid traditions of alternative media may be a more appropriate conduit for protest communications and social movement (Van De Donk et al, 2004; Dahlberg, 2007). The key finding of this study was that the mainstream Cape Times deviated from the protest paradigm, using the protesters as sources in preference to officials. This finding is a departure from the reviewed literature, which indicated that the mainstream media has a habit of following the protest paradigm when covering protests events, marginalising and dehumanising protesters and relying on official sources (Mcleod &amp; Hertog, 1999). It also links to previous scholarship that has established a strong connection between the commercialisation of the media and the robust representation of official sources in the media.

The debate over Utah statehood involved several controversial issues that the United States government and the American public wanted resolved before admission would be granted. One strong advocate for such changes in Utah was the widely published newspaper, the Salt Lake Tribune, which continually published anti-statehood and anti-Mormon ideas in the final decades before Utah was finally admitted in 1896. This thesis studies and analyzes the Tribune’s editorials and news stories to better understand which issues opponents of statehood worried the most over and what they wanted to accomplish with their protest. It finds that Mormon political domination was the paper’s central concern throughout the last decade of the debate, even after developments showed change on the horizon. This thesis also examines the Tribune’s ability to reach Utah readers and a national audience through its connections with the Associated Press. By citing numerous newspapers from throughout the United States and members of Congress who were close to the statehood debate, this thesis shows that the Tribune got its message out and that it played a strong part in the statehood struggle.