As exportações brasileiras de açúcar, especialmente as originadas da região Centro-Sul, são altamente competitivas no mercado mundial. Contudo, sofrem efeitos de políticas protecionistas no âmbito do comércio internacional, alterando a movimentação da produção em resposta à determinação de oferta e demanda de mercado. O objetivo deste estudo foi identificar e quantificar os efeitos que as medidas protecionistas para o açúcar nos Estados Unidos e na União Européia, tiveram sobre a exportação brasileira de açúcar, e sua repercussão na economia brasileira como um todo, tomando como base o impacto nas principais regiões produtoras do país. Utilizando o modelo descrito por Gardner (1987), verificou-se que a eliminação do equivalente tarifário, referente as quotas tarifárias de importação e programas de preço mínimo, nos Estados Unidos, aumentaria a participação brasileira no mercado de açúcar bruto em cerca de 18%, considerando as exportações médias que ocorreram para o mercado norte-americano no período de 1996 a 2002. Na União Européia, a redução de quotas de importação e a política de sustentação de preços provocariam um aumento de 55%, em média, nas exportações brasileiras, entre 1996 e 2002. Esse valor é obtido pressupondo-se que os outros potenciais exportadores não expandam suas participações no mercado internacional. Em termos de volume e valor exportado, os cálculos considerando a extinção de medidas protecionistas para o açúcar nos mercados da UE e dos EUA, produziram resultados semelhantes, com impactos estimados para a economia brasileira de incremento no valor da produção de, aproximadamente, R$ 166 milhões/ano e de geração de 6.547 empregos/ano, considerando os impactos diretos, indiretos e de efeito do aumento da renda, dos dois efeitos agindo simultaneamente, e nas duas regiões exportadoras do Brasil. Os resultados obtidos quando se considera a eliminação do valor calculado como equivalente subsídio do mercado europeu, para suas exportações de açúcar refinado, no entanto, sinalizam impactos mais expressivos que a eliminação do equivalente tarifário sustentado pelo bloco e pelos Estados Unidos. Esse impacto foi também mais expressivo para a região Centro-Sul comparado à da região Norte- Nordeste do Brasil. Os resultados sugerem que, neste contexto, o volume das exportações brasileiras de açúcar refinado aumentaria três vezes mais que o volume das exportações de açúcar bruto, se ambos os equivalentes tarifários, para os Estados Unidos e União Européia, fossem eliminados conjuntamente. Uma simulação do impacto dessa mudança na economia brasileira, indica a possibilidade de que incrementos na produção e emprego ocorram nessa mesma proporção: aumento de cerca de R$ 263 milhões/ano em produção (sendo R$ 211 milhões na região Centro-Sul e R$ 52 milhões na região Norte-Nordeste) e 8.480 empregos/ano gerados, considerando os efeitos diretos, indiretos e os impactos induzidos pelo efeito renda das famílias (sendo 5.256 na região Centro-Sul e 3.223 na região Norte-Nordeste). O valor total da produção estimulada pelos três impactos foi maior no Centro-Sul do Brasil. Já em relação à porcentagem do aumento da produção existente na economia, foi mais significativo o impacto na região Norte-Nordeste. Essas informações são úteis para a formulação de políticas econômicas e para a previsão de reações dos mercados frente a mudanças em variáveis internacionais, que são polêmicas na comunidade internacional. / Brazilian sugar exports, particularly those produced in the Center-South region, are highly competitive in the international market, but bear the effects of protectionist policies in international trade, as production changes compared to what would be obtained in response to supply and demand market signs. The objective of this study was to identify and measure the effects that protectionist measures for sugar, of the United States and European Union, had upon Brazilian sugar exports, together with its impact upon the overall economy, considering the results upon the main sugar producing regions of the country. A model described by Gardner (1987), was used to verify that the elimination of the tariff equivalent, relative to the import tariff quotas, together with the phase out of the minimum price program in the United States, would have increased the Brazilian participation in the raw sugar market by about 18 percent of its average exports to the US market through the 1996 to 2002 period. In the European Union, the reduction of import quotas and of the price support policy, showed and increase of 55 percent, on average, upon Brazilian exports, considering the same period of 1996 to 2002. This value is obtained under the assumption that other potential exporters will not expand their share in the international sugar market. In terms of export volume and value, calculations considering the extinction of protectionist measures for sugar in the EU and United States markets, produced results very similar, with estimated impacts of an increase in the production value upon the Brazilian economy by approximately R$ 166 million per year, together with the generation of 6.547 employments per year. These results were obtained considering the direct and indirect impacts of an income increase, besides the effects of these two effects acting simultaneously, and in the two major exportable regions in Brazil. The results obtained as one considers the elimination of the calculated value, as a subsidy equivalent of the European market for refined sugar exports, however, indicated more expressive effects compared to the elimination of equivalent tariff sustained by that trade bloc and by the United States. This impact was also more expressive for the Center-South region compared to the North-Northeastern Brazil. The results suggest that in this context, the export volume of refined sugar would increase three times more than the expansion in the raw sugar exports, if both are equivalent tariffs for the United States and the European Union were simultaneously eliminated. The simulation of the impact of this change in the Brazilian economy indicates the possibility that increases the increments in production and employment occur in this same proportion: production increased by R$ 263 million per year (being R$ 211 million in the Center South region and R$ 52 million in the North-Northeastern region) and 8.480 employments per year were created, considering direct, indirect and the impacts induced by the effects of family income (such that 5.256 in the Center-South region and 3.223 in the North-Northeast). The total production value stimulated by the three impacts was greater in the Center-South Brazil. However, the percentage increase in the actual level of production was more significant in the North Northeast. This is useful information to formulate economic policies and to forecast the market reaction in face of changes in the international variable what is still a controversial matter within the international community.

Inspired by the sudden recent incline in and awareness of veganism as well as my own personal involvement in such matters, I sought out to complete an empirical analysis to study the impact of consumer preferences. Originally intrigued by the consumption of meat and its impact on developing countries, I opted for a related topic with better accompanying data. Consumer preferences change regularly with an increasing plethora of reasons behind their decisions. As the guiding force of the demand side of the market, it was vital to study the impact of their choices. My decision to use plant-based milk was meant to be a proxy for consumers who could not consume dairy. To my surprise, the force behind the increase in plant-based milk consumption was not propelled by those with alternative lifestyles but regular consumers who wanted healthier and better-tasting options. Further analysis has led me to look past consumers themselves and their individual choices to identify the impacts of their choices. This required an intricate look into the United States dairy industry and its composition. What is recorded within the next 45 pages is a delicate web of outcomes spun by the needs of consumers. It branches out into the lives of small dairy farmers who cannot compete with larger farms. It spins out to form a massive web of increasing profit for the plant-based milk industry. It creates a loss in the whole milk sector of the dairy industry only to be filled by the organic and specialty sectors. While they can be guided into choices through various forms of advertisement, the world has changed since the introduction of modern economics, and consumers are learning to utilize the products that fit their lifestyles. Gone are the days of passive consumption and food pyramids. Information has never been as readily available as it is today, with the help of the internet and independent researchers, and consumers have chosen to use this to their advantage.

As exportações brasileiras de açúcar, especialmente as originadas da região Centro-Sul, são altamente competitivas no mercado mundial. Contudo, sofrem efeitos de políticas protecionistas no âmbito do comércio internacional, alterando a movimentação da produção em resposta à determinação de oferta e demanda de mercado. O objetivo deste estudo foi identificar e quantificar os efeitos que as medidas protecionistas para o açúcar nos Estados Unidos e na União Européia, tiveram sobre a exportação brasileira de açúcar, e sua repercussão na economia brasileira como um todo, tomando como base o impacto nas principais regiões produtoras do país. Utilizando o modelo descrito por Gardner (1987), verificou-se que a eliminação do equivalente tarifário, referente as quotas tarifárias de importação e programas de preço mínimo, nos Estados Unidos, aumentaria a participação brasileira no mercado de açúcar bruto em cerca de 18%, considerando as exportações médias que ocorreram para o mercado norte-americano no período de 1996 a 2002. Na União Européia, a redução de quotas de importação e a política de sustentação de preços provocariam um aumento de 55%, em média, nas exportações brasileiras, entre 1996 e 2002. Esse valor é obtido pressupondo-se que os outros potenciais exportadores não expandam suas participações no mercado internacional. Em termos de volume e valor exportado, os cálculos considerando a extinção de medidas protecionistas para o açúcar nos mercados da UE e dos EUA, produziram resultados semelhantes, com impactos estimados para a economia brasileira de incremento no valor da produção de, aproximadamente, R$ 166 milhões/ano e de geração de 6.547 empregos/ano, considerando os impactos diretos, indiretos e de efeito do aumento da renda, dos dois efeitos agindo simultaneamente, e nas duas regiões exportadoras do Brasil. Os resultados obtidos quando se considera a eliminação do valor calculado como equivalente subsídio do mercado europeu, para suas exportações de açúcar refinado, no entanto, sinalizam impactos mais expressivos que a eliminação do equivalente tarifário sustentado pelo bloco e pelos Estados Unidos. Esse impacto foi também mais expressivo para a região Centro-Sul comparado à da região Norte- Nordeste do Brasil. Os resultados sugerem que, neste contexto, o volume das exportações brasileiras de açúcar refinado aumentaria três vezes mais que o volume das exportações de açúcar bruto, se ambos os equivalentes tarifários, para os Estados Unidos e União Européia, fossem eliminados conjuntamente. Uma simulação do impacto dessa mudança na economia brasileira, indica a possibilidade de que incrementos na produção e emprego ocorram nessa mesma proporção: aumento de cerca de R$ 263 milhões/ano em produção (sendo R$ 211 milhões na região Centro-Sul e R$ 52 milhões na região Norte-Nordeste) e 8.480 empregos/ano gerados, considerando os efeitos diretos, indiretos e os impactos induzidos pelo efeito renda das famílias (sendo 5.256 na região Centro-Sul e 3.223 na região Norte-Nordeste). O valor total da produção estimulada pelos três impactos foi maior no Centro-Sul do Brasil. Já em relação à porcentagem do aumento da produção existente na economia, foi mais significativo o impacto na região Norte-Nordeste. Essas informações são úteis para a formulação de políticas econômicas e para a previsão de reações dos mercados frente a mudanças em variáveis internacionais, que são polêmicas na comunidade internacional. / Brazilian sugar exports, particularly those produced in the Center-South region, are highly competitive in the international market, but bear the effects of protectionist policies in international trade, as production changes compared to what would be obtained in response to supply and demand market signs. The objective of this study was to identify and measure the effects that protectionist measures for sugar, of the United States and European Union, had upon Brazilian sugar exports, together with its impact upon the overall economy, considering the results upon the main sugar producing regions of the country. A model described by Gardner (1987), was used to verify that the elimination of the tariff equivalent, relative to the import tariff quotas, together with the phase out of the minimum price program in the United States, would have increased the Brazilian participation in the raw sugar market by about 18 percent of its average exports to the US market through the 1996 to 2002 period. In the European Union, the reduction of import quotas and of the price support policy, showed and increase of 55 percent, on average, upon Brazilian exports, considering the same period of 1996 to 2002. This value is obtained under the assumption that other potential exporters will not expand their share in the international sugar market. In terms of export volume and value, calculations considering the extinction of protectionist measures for sugar in the EU and United States markets, produced results very similar, with estimated impacts of an increase in the production value upon the Brazilian economy by approximately R$ 166 million per year, together with the generation of 6.547 employments per year. These results were obtained considering the direct and indirect impacts of an income increase, besides the effects of these two effects acting simultaneously, and in the two major exportable regions in Brazil. The results obtained as one considers the elimination of the calculated value, as a subsidy equivalent of the European market for refined sugar exports, however, indicated more expressive effects compared to the elimination of equivalent tariff sustained by that trade bloc and by the United States. This impact was also more expressive for the Center-South region compared to the North-Northeastern Brazil. The results suggest that in this context, the export volume of refined sugar would increase three times more than the expansion in the raw sugar exports, if both are equivalent tariffs for the United States and the European Union were simultaneously eliminated. The simulation of the impact of this change in the Brazilian economy indicates the possibility that increases the increments in production and employment occur in this same proportion: production increased by R$ 263 million per year (being R$ 211 million in the Center South region and R$ 52 million in the North-Northeastern region) and 8.480 employments per year were created, considering direct, indirect and the impacts induced by the effects of family income (such that 5.256 in the Center-South region and 3.223 in the North-Northeast). The total production value stimulated by the three impacts was greater in the Center-South Brazil. However, the percentage increase in the actual level of production was more significant in the North Northeast. This is useful information to formulate economic policies and to forecast the market reaction in face of changes in the international variable what is still a controversial matter within the international community.

The European Union has been a discussed subject for many years. The conversed areas have been everything from special state interests, refugee crisis, sizes of cucumbers and if the European Union has a sense of community. One of the most debatable fields has been the agricultural policy; control of goods by the union and influence on other markets. This study illustrates what the union controls in form of agricultural production, although mostly aspects around the international agency of the EU, illustrated by the common agricultural policy.   In the liberalised decade of 2010, the rich and powerful European Union still continues to maintain protectionism and customs, and at the same time conduct an aggressive expansion policy. Their current actions in this political area appear abnormal when observed from an analytical perspective. The nations within the EU are all in front line when it comes to everything from technical to democratic perspectives. They are all advocates of freedom, human rights and openness, but are at the same time part of this controlled and restrictive policy regarding their food.   The aim of this essay is not only to illustrate the relationship between the EU and its member states in question of agricultural policies. Also how less fortunate parts of the globe, in particular sub-Saharan African countries, are affected by the contemporary agricultural policies. The presented empirical material will be analysed through three political ideologies, which will represent conservatism, socialism and liberalism within the international political economy. The ideologies combined with the empirical material together with ideology analysis and qualitative text analysis will discuss the question of the essay, which will end up in the final analysis and conclusion.

Du GATT de 1947 à l’OMC, l’encadrement juridique de l’agriculture demeure un processus difficile et laborieux tant dans ses aspects processuels, normatifs qu’institutionnels. Le cadre décisionnel de l’OMC marqué du sceau du « consensus », peine à instituer un cadre normatif satisfaisant. De plus, la conclusion d’un Accord global sur les politiques agricoles est retardée par des stratégies de blocage ou des coalitions de circonstance lors des négociations multilatérales successives. La question agricole se retrouve donc coincée entre des enjeux nationaux et des logiques d’économie politique que ni le droit positif de l’OMC, ni les processus décisionnels en vigueur à l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce ne parviennent à résorber. Par ailleurs, le processus de démantèlement des barrières tarifaires a laissé place à des politiques nationales de subventionnement massif que les accords sur l’agriculture et celui sur les subventions et mesures compensatoires tentent en vain d’endiguer. Cette thèse jette donc un regard critique sur ce phénomène à travers une réflexion approfondie du statut juridique de l’agriculture en général et du traitement particulier des subventions agricoles. De cette analyse, il ressort que l’impasse de Doha relève d’une triple carence du système de régulation des subventions agricoles. D’abord, une carence du cadre normatif découlant du « péché originel » de l’exception agricole largement décrite dans la première partie de la thèse. Ensuite, et telles que décrites dans la deuxième partie de la thèse, une carence institutionnelle relevant de l’inadaptation de l’architecture de l’OMC, principalement le processus décisionnel face au phénomène du subventionnement agricole et une carence structurelle liée au déroulement des négociations multilatérales. La thèse démontre donc que cette triple carence explique pourquoi il demeure difficile au processus de Doha de déboucher sur des engagements contraignants en terme d’élimination des subventions agricoles et en terme de politiques de développement favorables aux PED et PMA. La thèse démontre aussi que l’impuissance du « système OMC » face aux divergences agricoles animées notamment par les États-Unis, l’UE, le groupe de Cairns et le groupe africain sur le coton découle de cette triple carence. Prospectivement, il s’est donc avéré nécessaire de formuler des alternatives nouvelles reposant sur l’introduction des logiques d’efficacité lors de l’élaboration et de l’application des mesures anti-subvention ainsi que dans les techniques de négociations commerciales multilatérales. / From GATT 1947 to WTO, the legal framework of agriculture remains a difficult and laborious process in its procedural aspects as well as in its normative and institutional ones. The decision framework of the WTO is marked by the seal of "consensus" and hardly allows to establish a satisfactory regulatory framework. A comprehensive agreement on agricultural policy has been postponed by blocking strategies or ad hoc coalitions at the critical times of the successive multilateral negotiations. Therefore, the agricultural question is being smothered by national issues and the logic of political economy which neither positive law of the WTO, nor the decision-making processes in force at the World Trade Organization have been able to resorb. The process of dismantling trade barriers has given way to national policies of massive subsidizing that the agreements on Agriculture and on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures have tried to stem in vain. This thesis reviews this phenomenon with a critical eye through an extensive consideration of the legal status of agriculture in general and the special treatment of agricultural subsidies. This analysis shows that the dead-end situation in the Doha negotiations result from a triple deficiency of the regulatory system on agricultural subsidies: (1) a deficiency of the regulatory framework resulting from the "original sin" of the agricultural exception, (2) an institutional deficiency coming from the inadequacy of the architecture of the WTO, mainly the decision-making process in relation to the phenomenon of agricultural subsidies and (3) a structural deficiency related to the conduct of the multilateral negotiations. This thesis demonstrates that these three deficiencies explain why it remains difficult for the process of Doha to bring binding commitments on the elimination of agricultural subsidies and development policies which would favour of developing countries and LDCs. The thesis also reveals that the inability of the "WTO system" to cope with diverging views over agriculture mainly livened up by the United States, the EU, the Cairns Group and the African Group on cotton results from those three deficiencies. A prospective analysis leads to the formulation of new alternative solutions based on the introduction of logics of efficiency in the elaboration and application of anti subsidy measures altogether with multilateral trade negotiation techniques.

農業發展曾經在臺灣的經濟建設史上，佔有輝煌一頁，民國四十至五十年代，農民胼手胝足地配合政府農業政策，不只增裕農業生產，同時也奠定臺灣日後工商發展之基礎，然而隨著臺灣經濟的發展，工商業產值佔GDP比例加重，農業產值佔GDP比例卻逐年下降，農業經營也面臨許多難題及衝擊，農戶所得水準相對非農戶為低，老年農民生活保障不足等問題一再被提出討論，同時由於近年來農業生產不符經濟效益等因素，且部分農民福利措施對農民資格的界定迭起社會爭議，因此各項保障農民福利措施的公平性及必要性亦隨之引起爭論，本文試著從農民的社會保險、老年給付、租稅福利、價格補貼及其它救（補）助措施等五方面，來探討農民的福利保障現況，並針對現況缺失提出檢討與建議，尤其面對全球經濟自由化趨勢下，如何協助農業經營轉型，增進農民福利，應是農民、農業部門及政府需共同思索的問題。 / The prosperity of agriculture played an important role in Taiwan’s economical construction history. In 1940’s and 50’s, Taiwan’s farmers, actively responding to the agriculture-developing policy, not only increased the agricultural production, but also helped to establish a firm foundation for the following industrial and commercial development in Taiwan. However, as the industrial and commercial value increases yearly in GDP, the value of agriculture in GDP, on the other hand, decreases year after year. Farmers thus faced many problems and challenges. Issues such as the obvious poorer condition of farmers’ life compared to the non-farmer, and the unsatisfying welfare state of retired farmers are frequently among the arguments. Furthermore, owing to the facts that most farmers own some real estates as the grounds they plant and yet their production can’t even reach the bottom line of economical effect, the necessity and justification of farmers welfare measures are consequently evoking constant controversy. The goal of this thesis, therefore, is trying to examine the status of Taiwan’s farmers’ welfare state in the following five fields: farmer’s social insurance, elderly farmer’s allowance, tax welfare, price subsidy and other assistance measures, and to raise my proposals and suggestions to solve these problems. How to help farmers to do well in the transformation of agricultural management and thus improve their welfare state should be a public issue for farmers themselves and the agriculture departments as well as the whole government, especially when facing the trend of liberalization of the global economics.