This dissertation challenges the idea that the United States “home front” in World War II escaped the violence and disorder visited upon overseas cities by military forces. It examines American “liberty ports”— from San Francisco and Los Angeles to New York and Boston— where millions of GIs and other Allied servicemen took leave and liberty. Emboldened by the privilege of their uniforms and near immunity from civilian laws and authorities, these troops caroused, fought with locals, rioted in the streets, and assaulted women. A near constant presence in many large ports and transportation hubs, servicemen effectively occupied entire urban districts, routinely provoking civil-military conflicts. Though many historians imagine that most troops spent the war abroad, in fact many of them remained stateside for the duration. Before the spring of 1944, when preparations for D-Day accelerated, 65-75% of all soldiers were stationed domestically. 25% of the U.S. Army’s forces never left the country at all. Friendly invasions and other occupations by troops not only impacted places such as Britain, France, Germany, Australia, and Japan; they fundamentally reshaped American cities and civilian life as well. To solve a number of manpower and training problems, U.S. military officials encouraged and inculcated in their recruits an aggressive, heterosexual masculinity that mocked civilian life as effeminate and weak. Many GIs embraced this vision of soldiering and took advantage of the military’s lenient stance toward “blowing off steam” in boom towns and liberty ports. Fist fights with civilian men, pursuing and cornering women, and rampant drunkenness went mostly unpunished as the Armed Forces struggled to mobilize for a two-front war. Nearby women faced many dangers, but they also found ingenious ways of defending themselves. Meanwhile, local politicians and businesses struggled to protest the militarization of their neighborhoods, even while doing their part for the war effort. This wartime militarization of civilian American life is a crucial but almost entirely forgotten factor in the rise of the military as a key institution of American society, as well as the postwar “civil-military divide.” / 2020-10-08T00:00:00Z

The evolution of United States military doctrine was heavily influenced by the Wehrmacht and their early Blitzkrieg campaigns during World War II. This thesis traces the origins of this development and shows how the context of the Cold War led to a heavy influence by the Wehrmacht on American military doctrine. By analyzing studies conducted by the United States Army Historical Division from 1946-1961, I will show how these studies left a profound impact on American Military doctrine, particularly in the context of the Cold War. I will show the development of the Active Defense Doctrine and AirLand Battle during the 1970s and 1980s were largely influenced by lessons learned from the Wehrmacht. By comparing these doctrines with the Wehrmacht's Truppenführung, the influence is undeniable. Finally, I will show how the American military put these lessons into practice during Operation Desert Storm in 1991.

This thesis examines the presence of American military personnel in Australia during the Second World War. Around one million US soldiers spent some time in the country. This American occupation resulted in several areas of tension between US military personnel and Australian civilians. Areas of conflict, that have hitherto received little attention from historians, are examined in this dissertation. Jurisdictional and policing disputes between the US military and Queensland officials, American criminal behaviour, and problems between Australian labourers and American authorities are all examined. Other "fault lines," such as race and gender relations, which have been looked at by other historians, are also examined; this thesis provides new insights into these areas. How senior authorities on both sides managed crises and coordinated efforts to manage relations between civilians and Gls are also studied. Sexual relations were directed towards certain associations (prostitution), whilst other associations (marriage) were discouraged. Authorities increased efforts to manage interracial sexual relations, as both countries had a history of discouraging and even outlawing miscegenation. Ultimately, this thesis argues that problems between American personnel and Australians during the occupation did not threaten to upset the war effort or the alliance between the United States and Australia, but there were everyday problems between allies and concurrent efforts to manage relations in the context of a global war. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

While much research has been conducted into the political behavior and attitudes of American military officers, little has been accomplished with respect to enlisted personnel. Most reports assume that the American military identify largely with the Republican Party and are mostly conservative in attitude. The most recent large-scale study, the TISS Survey on the Military in the Post Cold War Era conducted by Feaver and Kohn in 1998-1999, confirmed those assumptions among senior officers and is often quoted as representative of the entire military. However, the demographic characteristics of enlisted personnel predict different behavior. The enlisted ranks of the American military are over-represented by minorities who traditionally identify with the Democratic Party. The present study gathered data on enlisted personnel, by means of a survey, to determine whether that specialized population is significantly different in attitude and behavior from that of the officer corps and of the general American population. Enlisted personnel identify with the Republican Party in about the same proportion as do the general American population. However, only about half as many enlisted personnel identify with the Democratic Party as do civilians. Enlisted personnel are also about three times more likely to identify as Independents as do other Americans. Active-duty enlisted personnel demonstrate a 1.7 to 1 partisan (Republican to Democrat) ratio, similar to that found in the veteran enlisted sample (1.8 to 1) and the officer sample (1.6 to 1). The civilian sample shows a .95 to 1 partisan ratio. Thus, active-duty enlisted personnel who identify with a political party are about twice as likely to identify with the Republican Party as are civilians. However, active-duty enlisted personnel are nearly four times as likely as civilians to report being Independent, and are substantially less likely than civilians to identify with the Democratic Party. The Republican to Democrat ratio may well explain the commentary about and observations of a Republican dominated military. Despite the fact that the overall proportion of Republicans within the military is no greater than that found within the general population, that there are twice as many individuals who will state that they are Republicans as those who will state that they are Democrats can easily give the impression of a heavily Republican population. However, active-duty enlisted personnel remain strongly independent when compared to the civilian population. Of special note is a markedly higher political efficacy among military enlisted personnel than is found within the general American population. / text

This dissertation is about the Loyalist Regiments of the American Revolution, 1775-1783. These were the formal regiments formed by the British, consisting of Americans who stayed Loyal to the British crown during the American Revolutionary War. They fought in most of the main campaigns of this war and in 1783 left with the British Army for Canada, where many of them settled. The Loyalist regiments have been neglected by academic historians with only one major work on them as a group. The intention of this dissertation is to give them their proper place in the historiography of the American Revolutionary War and of eighteenth century military history. The dissertation is laid out in the following way. Chapter one, will be an overview of the history of Regiments, from their origins in Colonial days until 1783. It will assess how they were dealt with by the British and examine both organisation and combat. Chapter two is a thematic chapter looking principally at the organisation of the regiments as well as their motivation and composition. The next four chapters are case studies of three Loyalist regiments. Chapters three and four are a case study of the Queens Rangers. A database of all the soldiers who served in this regiment was created and is included with this dissertation. Chapter five is about the controversial regiment, the British Legion. Chapter 6 is a case study of the frontier regiment Butler‘s Rangers.

Hospice services provide a holistic approach to end-of-life care to terminally ill patients though there is some evidence to suggest that African American military beneficiary populations may not access hospice care as often as expected. The purpose of this nonexperimental study was to evaluate reasons for the low use of hospice care among the terminally diagnosed members of this population, between the ages of 18 and 64. Kolcaba's comfort theory provided the theoretical framework for this study. The research explored whether a statistically significant difference exist among African Americans military beneficiaries population as compared to non-Hispanic Whites pertaining to their knowledge of hospice care, attitudes and beliefs about hospice, distrust in the health care system, and advanced care plans. This study used a simple random sample of 32 participants (18 African Americans and14 non-Hispanic White) from a military ambulatory care setting in Maryland. Johnson, Kuchibhatla, and Tulsky's End-of-Life Care survey was used to collect data from the 2 groups of participants. Data were analyzed using a one-way multivariate analysis of variance. The results indicate that there are not statistically significant differences between the groups in terms of knowledge of hospice care, attitudes and beliefs about hospice, distrust in the health care system, and advanced care plans based on race. Based on the results of this study, further research is recommended to replicate using a larger sample size to include other minority groups at more than one medical treatment facility. The implication of this study may open up an avenue to policy makers and administrators who are responsible for disseminating information about hospice benefits to focus on improving the quality of the end-of-life for terminally ill patients.

The purpose of this thesis is to compare the Trial of major Nazi war criminals before International Military Tribunal with others trials held in American occupation zone in the Exclusive American jurisdiction (concretely the so called Subsequent Nuremberg trials and the Dachau trials) and to find the similarities between them. The thesis is divided into the six chapters, which are further divided into the subchapters. The first chapter describes the situation during and after the Second World War and the considerations of the Allied powers about the method of the punishment of the Nazi war criminals, which was necessary. The second chapter deals with the creation of the Charter of the International Military Tribunal. This law was created with the joint efforts of the most prominent lawyers from the United States of America, Soviet Union, Great Britain and France. The Charter included new categories of crimes, which were the reaction to the unprecedented extensity of Nazi atrocities. This "Nuremberg charter" helped greatly in the development of the International criminal law. In the second chapter, the reasons for choosing Nuremberg as the location of the trials are also taken in consideration. The third chapter examines the proceedings of the International Military Tribunal. Extra attention is given to the...

The United States has always been a very prominent user of hard power and has in most of its existence wielded a great amount of it, seen by their long military history. Another power the United States has a vast amount of is soft power, begging the question how this power has been utilized in the past, to for example create public support for military intervention. As soft powers impact on global security is immense, seen by the Ukraine-Russia war, recognizing how it has been used to justify military intervention in the past, and how it is used now. The importance of this effect and study is tremendous as it displays how a country can justify wars and influence public opinion and could possibly be used to identify a country in the process of trying to replicate the effect. The thesis proposes that there exist 2 effects known as culturally moulding and culturally swaying, which when used properly can affect the public opinion to a certain extent, which likely has been used to influence public opinion in the U.S on the 2 military interventions discussed. This subject falls in the line of security and power studies, wherein the main concept will be Joseph S. Nye’s concept of hard, soft and smart power, and it will be a qualitative study. The study will examine public opinion on military interventions and view them from a soft power perspective and consider why specifically these interventions were seen as justified. The delimitations to this study will be to keep the study to America, though there are plenty of other examples, and keep the case study to 2 military interventions, Afghanistan and Taiwan.

This thesis examines how military members and veterans with Operational Stress Injuries are treated by Canadian justice systems. It suggests a correlation between mental injuries sustained on operations by military personnel and propensities for military and societal misconduct. By comparing civilian and military processes with American justice counterparts, a plan to improve the existing Canadian legal landscape is proposed. Using an analysis of the underlying philosophy and purpose of military justice, a problem solving diversionary court is recommended, along with legislative and policy amendments. The use of a consent-based “Treatment Standing Court Martial” would place military justice officials parallel to civilian justice alternative measures programs, and in a better position to break the cycle of recidivism among veterans by addressing root causes. Education to reduce stigma along with military-civilian partnerships are also advocated to enhance the detection of mental illness and to foster early treatment for military personnel and veterans. The overall goals of the work include: reducing recidivism, improving operational efficiency and taking care of military members, veterans and their families.