Doktorsavhandling--Historia--Uppsala universitet, 2004. / Bibliogr. p. 281-285.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Hist.--Grenoble, 1996. / En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 363-374. Glossaire.

La notion de lieu sert à caractériser, en termes métaphoriques autant que concrets, l'objet paradoxal et protéen de cette étude, à savoir l'écriture de la performance dont Jackson Mac Low, entre 1954 et le début des années 1980, contribua à décupler la puissance d'hybridation et de déstabilisation aussi bien générique que sémiotique et politique. Ses partitions (comme celles à la notation indéterminée de certains compositeurs expérimentaux de son époque tels John Cage, Morton Feldman, Earle Brown ou Christian Wolff) prescrivent la performance sans en déterminer nécessairement le medium, la structure, ou la durée. Une dynamique imperceptible travaille ces textes, et leur fixité sur la page souvent illusoire masque un processus sans fin de multiplication et de devenir. Cette fuite de l'objet présente un défi à l'analyse non seulement textuelle, mais aussi de ce qui a lieu (au moment de la performance) malgré et par le non-lieu de textes qui échappent aux lieux communs littéraires que sont la constitution et la hiérarchisation d'une œuvre, ou son inscription dans des cadres génériques clairs. Prise dans le contexte philosophique et politique de la pensée anarcho--pacifiste du poète, l'écriture de la performance prend tout son sens et sa portée. Elle apparaît alors comme le lieu d'une tension entre utopie et hétérotopie, tension définitoire de l'investissement de Mac Low dans l'espace communautaire : à la fois omniprésente et marginale (une marginalisation par le milieu ou par le centre, en quelque sorte), sa participation à travers la performance est dotée d'une force de transformation et de subversion éminemment politique, au sens que Jacques Rancière donne à ce terme. / The notion of place (in its metaphorical and concrete implications) serves to characterize the paradoxical, protean object of this study namely. Jackson Mac Low's performance writing. From 1954 .to the early 1980s, the poet enhanced the disruptive impact of his practice, both in .terms of generic hybridization and semiotic, political subversion. His scores prescribe performance, yet they rarely determine every aspect of its medium, structure, or duration (in asimilar way to the indeterminate notation of such experimental composers as John Cage, Morton Feldman, Earle Brown, or Christian Wolff). An invisible dynamic force animates these texts whose seeming fixity on the page often conceals an endless process of multiplication and becoming. The lasting elusiveness of the textual Object challenges analysis as well as the understanding of what actually takes place in the Mac Lowian performance despite, or by way of, a "non-place" wherein the barriers of literary commonplaces such as the norm of a hierarchically structured opus that may be framed generically — are transcended.. The processual form takes its full import when linked to the poet's anarcho-pacifist beliefs: it then materializes the tension between utopia and heterotopy, which defin.es his unique relationship with the communities he was involved in. Mac Low's participation in many existing artistic and literary communities of his time was ubiquitously central and marginal. By virtue of its transformative and subversive impact, Mac Low's performance writing anticipates and shapes new communities, and thus appears to be, in Jacques Rancières understanding of the word, eminently political.

L'Association internationale des travailleurs, fondée en 1922, est la principale fédération d'organisations anarcho-syndicalistes, un courant important du mouvement ouvrier, essentiellement en Europe et en Amérique latine entre les années 1910 et 1930. Les collectivisations révolutionnaires en Espagne au cours de la guerre civile constituent sa plus grande réalisation, tandis qu'un déclin du mouvement s'est déjà amorcé dans les autres pays. Confrontés à leur propre mise en pratique, les principes, tactiques et finalités anarcho-syndicalistes commencent alors à être mis en question. Cette thèse étudie les causes et manifestations de la crise qui commence à ce moment, et dure tout au long du XXe siècle, entraînant sa division et sa marginalisation ; en même temps que ses résurgences multiformes. Elle permet d'entrevoir les transformations de l'AIT, du courant et de la culture qu'elle représente, ainsi que les raisons de leur persistance. / The International Workers Association was founded in 1922, and is the historical and largest organisation of anarcho-syndicalism, one of the major working class currents, mainly in Europe and Latin America between the 1910 and 1930 decades. The collectivizations in Spain during the civil war represent its biggest fulfillment, while in the other countries the movement allready started to decline. The practical application of the anarcho-syndicalist principles, tactics and aims leads to various re-assessments and internal conflicts. This thesis studies the causes and manifestations of the long term crisis which starts at this moment and goes on throughout the whole XXth century. At the same time as anarcho-syndicalism divides and marginalizes itself, multiform resurgences occurs. This overview enables to discern the transformations of the IWA, of the current and the culture it embodies, and the reasons of their persistence.

Malgré le nombre et la qualité des travaux sur le néolibéralisme, la pensée néolibérale britannique est encore mal connue aujourd’hui, notamment parce qu’elle est souvent ramenée à sa seule dimension négative, telle qu’elle s’exprime par exemple dans le célèbre essai publié en 1944 par Friedrich Hayek, La route de la servitude, où se trouve développée une critique systématique de toutes les formes d’interventionnisme économique. Afin d’enrichir les recherches existantes, nous avons entrepris de dégager la dimension positive de la pensée néolibérale, à partir d’une enquête terminologique sur les définitions que les néolibéraux donnent du mot néolibéralisme et de ses équivalents, comme libertarianisme. Il apparaît que, loin de prôner le laissez-faire communément imputé aux libéraux classiques, les néolibéraux ambitionnent de mettre en ordre les activités marchandes en fixant le cadre juridique du marché, c’est-à-dire en affinant les lois qui règlementent les comportements des agents économiques, au premier rang desquels se trouvent les grandes entreprises. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ce premier néolibéralisme, théorisé durant l’entre-deux-guerres, subit un mouvement de radicalisation doctrinale qui donne naissance à un second néolibéralisme, moins soucieux de circonscrire juridiquement les comportements des agents économiques que de contraindre constitutionnellement ceux des agents politiques, tenus désormais pour uniques responsables des dysfonctionnements du système capitaliste. Au fil du temps, l’édification du cadre constitutionnel de l’État se substitue par conséquent à la construction du cadre juridique du marché. / Although the field of neoliberal studies is rich with diverse and valuable contributions, British neoliberal thought is still little known today, especially since it is often reduced to its negative dimension, as expressed for example in Friedrich Hayek’s famous 1944 essay, The Road to Serfdom, which systematically criticized all forms of economic interventionism. So as to fill this gap in the current state of research, this study sketches out the positive dimension of neoliberalism, starting with a terminological inquiry into the definitions that neoliberals gave of the word neoliberalism and of its equivalents, such as libertarianism. It appears that far from preaching the kind of do-nothing – or laissez-faire – policies commonly ascribed to classical liberals, neoliberals ambitioned to put economic activities in order by setting the legal framework of the market, that is to say by fine-tuning the laws that regulate the behavior of economic agents – first among whom stand corporations. This first neoliberalism, born during the inter-war period, underwent after the Second World War a process of doctrinal radicalization out of which emerged a second neoliberalism, less concerned with legally constraining the behavior of economic agents than with imposing constitutional restraints on the behavior of political agents, who were from then on seen to be the sole cause of all markets disturbances. Over time, creating the legal framework of the market therefore gave way to building the constitutional framework of the state.

Submitted by Ivan Thomaz Leite de Oliveira (ivan.oliveiracs@gmail.com) on 2018-09-17T17:46:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DEFININDO ATITUDES: sindicalismo de intenção revolucionária e as Escolas Modernas de São Paulo (1900 - 1919).pdf: 997824 bytes, checksum: 18a435c6255f285d3f6cfce136edc8a2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-09-17T19:08:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_itl_me_mar.pdf: 997824 bytes, checksum: 18a435c6255f285d3f6cfce136edc8a2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-17T19:08:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_itl_me_mar.pdf: 997824 bytes, checksum: 18a435c6255f285d3f6cfce136edc8a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-28 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A pesquisa apresentada questiona se, no movimento sindical nas duas primeiras décadas do século XX, no Brasil, havia posições estratégicas que influenciaram o grupo de militantes que coordenaram as escolas modernas na cidade de São Paulo? Partindo da bibliografia que sugere uma dissonância no grupo de diretores das escolas, trabalhamos com a hipótese de que os debates entre anarquistas partidários do anarcossindicalismo e do sindicalismo revolucionário no movimento operário reverberaram na atuação do grupo de militantes responsáveis pelas escolas modernas de São Paulo. Para buscar essa vinculação, é preciso delinear de maneira rigorosa a incidência do anarcossindicalismo no movimento operário brasileiro – majoritariamente sindicalista revolucionário - no período analisado e a integração das iniciativas no campo da educação a uma proposta mais ampla de transformação social construída na prática politica do anarquismo organizacionista. Com esses elementos buscaremos estabelecer um quadro social, econômico e político que situe o movimento operário no Brasil, dando enfoque a cidade de São Paulo e de modo superficial à cidade de Santos. Orientamos nossa pesquisa a esses lugares por sediarem as Escolas Modernas e os episódios mais relevantes para o desenvolvimento da hipótese de trabalho levantada que diz respeito influência dos embates estratégicos do movimento operário sobre a atuação do grupo de militantes e professores a frente das escolas, Florentino de Carvalho, João Penteado e Adelino de Pinho. Nesse sentido, além da capital, a cidade de Santos e os elementos relativos a classe trabalhadora e ao movimento operário desta são importantes para a analise uma vez que Florentino de Carvalho atuou e manteve contato decisivo com as concepções e práticas do movimento operário e dos anarquistas santistas. / The research presented questions whether there were strategic positions in the syndicalist movement in the first two decades of the twentieth century in Brazil that influenced the group of militants who coordinated the Escolas Modernas in the city of São Paulo. Starting from the bibliography that suggests a dissonance in the group of school directors, we work with the hypothesis that the debates between anarchists in favor of the finalism (anarcho-syndicalism) and of the revolutionary syndicalism in the labor movement reverberated in the action of the group of militants responsible for the Escolas Modernas of São Paulo. In order to seek this link, it is necessary to rigorously delineate the incidence of finalism (anarcho-syndicalism) in the Brazilian labor movement - predominantly revolutionary syndicalist - during the analyzed period and the integration of initiatives in the field of education with a broader proposal of social transformation built in the political practice of anarchism organizationist. With these elements we will seek to establish a social, economic and political framework that places the labor movement in Brazil, focusing on the city of São Paulo and superficially on the city of Santos. We orient our research to these places by hosting the Escolas Modernas and the most relevant episodes for the development of the hypothesis of work raised that concerns the influence of the strategic struggles of the labor movement on the performance of the group of activists and teachers in front of the schools, Florentino de Carvalho, João Penteado and Adelino de Pinho. In this sense, besides the capital, the city of Santos and the elements related to the working class and the labor movement of this one are important for the analysis since Florentino de Carvalho worked and maintained decisive contact with the conceptions and practices of the labor movement and the anarchists from Santos. / FAPESP: 2016/10828-4

This dissertation investigates the internal struggles within the labour movement in Dalarna at the beginning of the twentieth century. I investigate Social Democracy, Anarcho-Syndicalism and Communism, the three major factions of the working class. I study the relationship between these organisations and their supporters in the complex socio-economic area of Dalarna. I have based my study on the three party programs and their answer to two central questions of the time: Will the conflicts of society lead to revolution? and How should politics and production be organised in the non capitalist society to come? Generally, anarcho-syndicalists argue that state power must be transformed to local government, social democrats hope to make different social interests compromise into political consensus. Communists want a proletarian state through social revolution. How were those ideologies received in Dalarna? In the beginning, anarchists fought social democrats: The opposition excluded from social democracy 1917 was also more influenced by anarchism than by communism. The opposition founded a party, witch towards the 1920´s turned from anarchism into communism, and the small farmers, that erlier had been attracted by the anarchist influenced rural propaganda, left and more industrial workers joined. Simultaneously, anarchists reorganised from a political party to a syndicalistic trade union, gradually mowing from the industrialised south to northern Dalarna. Communists, mainly left in the industrialised south, were shaken by two splits in the 1920´s and they lost their ability to compete with the social democrats in democratic elections. In Dalarna, social democrats, confronting anti-parliamentary anarchy and totalitarian communism alike, won the contest within the labour movement: At the end of the period, they dominated the area.

The goal of this diploma thesis is to conduct a thorough research of the Czech public debate on anarcho-capitalism and anarcho-capitalists through media communication, to analyze the media representation of anarcho-capitalism using quantitative content analysis and to provide a momentary capture of speakers, actors, topics and contexts. The study first focuses on the theoretical basis of anarcho-capitalism, its practice in the Czech Republic and the theory of portraying reality in the media from a social constructivist point of view. Then it focuses on research of media reports on anarcho-capitalism or anarcho-capitalists published in the Czech print and online media from the beginning of 2010 to the end of 2020. The results show how the representation of anarcho-capitalism in the media has changed over time and present the main topics and contexts with which anarcho-capitalism was mentioned in the Czech media.

This dissertation analogically applies a framework of minor literary analysis to uniquely political units of the built environment. As urbanism is conventionally understood to be executed per the greatest utility of established communal objectives, an underlying politicization is inherent as such forms must adhere to dominant norms of development which potentially marginalize those who practice cultural methods outside normative standards. Employing a uniquely architectural method of environmental justice advocacy, select communities facing disenfranchisement react by self-producing urban-architectural forms ("UAFs") to protect threatened cultural values from marginalization. Installed to subvert the existing power dynamic, such UAFs are potential exhibitions of minor architecture. Adopting the analytical standards established by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari for evaluating Franz Kafka's literature, this paper tests six UAFs to discover if a minor architecture is possible under contemporary globalization. Employing an enumerated framework of minor production characteristics, an interpretive-historical analysis is the primary method of judgment regarding each unit's execution of minor architecture. Two secondary tests are undertaken to validate the primary findings, the first of which is a physio-logical evaluation that characterizes and measures urban resource utility as per collective minority aims. Second, a newspaper correlation test is undertaken so as to judge the enunciative effectiveness of each community per issues of minority politics. Of the six cases examined, two have their source in cinema including "Bartertown" of MAD MAX BEYOND THUNDERDOME (1985) and the "House on Paper Street" of FIGHT CLUB (1999). The four remaining cases include the Tibetan Government-in-Exile of Dharamsala, India; Student Bonfire of Robertson County, Texas; Isla Vista Recreation & Park District of Santa Barbara County, California; and the Emergent Cannabis Community of Arcata, California. Of all the cases studied, only the Tibetan Government-in-Exile met both the conditions of minor architecture and was validated in terms of practiced urban resource use as well as effective representation in mainstream newsprint. Both cinematic cases failed as minor productions of the built environment. Although they did not find full validation, the three remaining real-world UAFs each were found on a course of minor architectural expression at varying stages of execution.

Orientador: Moacir Gigante / Banca: João Alberto da Costa Pinto / Banca: Lélio Luiz de Oliveira / Resumo: O presente trabalho visa observar e entender as teorias e práticas das mulheres anarquistas atuantes no movimento operário paulistano durante a Primeira República (1889 - 1930), buscando suas especificidades e práticas em comum aos movimentos anárquicos de outras localidades e objetivando mostrá-las como sujeitos históricos. Para tal não há como deixarmos de analisar o anarquismo em suas variadas facetas, como o anarco-comunismo e o anarco-coletivismo, assim como seus principais teóricos, considerados clássicos, como Bakunin, Kropotkin e Malatesta e outros anarquistas paulistanos do sexo masculino, com os quais essas mulheres dialogaram direta ou indiretamente. Também analisaremos o contexto histórico paulistano da Primeira República, período marcado pela imigração européia, intensa urbanização e industrialização - fundamentais para o desenvolvimento do movimento operário anarquista aqui analisado -, bem como as libertárias de fora do país que influenciaram enormemente o pensamento das libertárias por aqui. Fizemos isso através da análise de textos e relatos das mulheres libertárias, como Izabel Cerruti e Iza Rutt nos jornais anarquistas da época ("A Terra Livre", "A Plebe" e "O Internacional"), das memórias das militantes libertárias, como Emma Goldman, Louise Michel e Maria Lacerda de Moura e da "Revista Renascença", editada pela última / Abstract: This work aims to observe and understand the theories and practices of anarchists womens acting at the Sao Paulo's worker moviment during the First Republic (1889 - 1930), searching their specificities and practices in common with anarchist movements of other localities and objetifying show them like historical subjects. For this we have to analyze anarchism on your various facets, like anarcho-communism and anarcho-collectivism, as well as theirs main theoreticians, considered classicals, like Bakunin, Kropotkin and Malatesta and other Sao Paulo's male anarchists, which those womens spoke directly or indirectly. We will also analyze the Sao Paulo's historical context of the First Republic, period marked by european immigration, intense urbanization and industrialization - fundamental for the development of anarchist worker moviment here analyzed - as well as foreign libertarians which enormously have influenced the libertarians pensaments here in Brazil. We have done it through the analysis of texts and reports of libertarian womens, like Izabel Cerruti and Iza Rutt at anarchist newspapers of that period ("The Free Land," "The Mob" and "The International"), the memories of libertarian millitants, like Emma Goldman, Louise Michel and Maria Lacerda de Moura and of the "Renaissance Magazine", published by Maria Lacerda / Mestre