The thesis explores an important cause of self-defeating escalation during war, military control of the national security decision process. The thesis employs a neoclassical realist framework and specifies the implications of militarized decision-making on the state's ability to assess and adapt to its strategic environment during war. The central argument is that military control of the national security decision-making process leads to the adoption of the military's preferences and the streamlining of the decision process, following the military organizational style. A plausibility probe is conducted against fifteen decision points within the broader setting of Germany's submarine warfare policy during World War I. The findings demonstrate that the establishment of a military dictatorship in Germany in October 1916 led to the adoption of unrestricted submarine warfare on January 9, 1917, and the intervention of the United States into the war less than three months later. / La thèse explore une cause importante du phénomène d'escalade autodestructrice intra-guerre, c'est-à-dire le contrôle du processus décisionnel de sécurité nationale par le militaire. La thèse utilise une approche réaliste néoclassique et spécifie les implications des processus décisionnels militarisés sur l'habileté de l'état d'évaluer et de s'adapter à son environnement stratégique durant une guerre. L'argument central est que le contrôle du processus décisionnel par le militaire entraîne l'adoption des préférences des militaires et la réorganisation du proce ssus décisionnel suivant le mode d'organisation militaire. Une étude de plausibilité est menée sur quinze points de décision au sein du cadre de la politique allemande de guerre sous-marine durant la Première Guerre mondiale. Les résultats empiriques démontrent que l'établissement d'une dictature militaire en Allemagne en Octobre 1916 fut instrumental dans l'adoption de la guerre sous-marine à outrance le 9 janvier, 1917, ainsi que dans l'intervention des États-Unis moins de trois mois plus tard.

Access to, and use of the geostationary orbit--a limited natural resource--is governed by the legal norms of international space law and international telecommunication law. In order to better understand the issues involved in its regulation, the fundamental elements of the geostationary orbit, its definition, technical characteristics, advantages and nature as a limited natural resource are examined (Chapter I). The legal regime governing an area or environment is built primarily upon its legal status; hence, in Chapter II, the legal status of the orbit is discussed. An analysis of the applicable legal principles of international space law follows (Chapter III); while Chapter IV contains detailed consideration of the regulatory regime established through the International Telecommunication Union. In addition to the UN and ITU, other international organizations are, to some extent, involved in regulation of the use of the geostationary orbit by their respective members. Relevant provisions of the treaties setting up these organisations are briefly discussed in Chapter V. This is followed by a final analysis, conclusions and recommendations (Chapter VI). An extensive, but selective bibliography completes the study.

Realism is a two-dimensional theory of International Relations that sprung from the mid-20th century pen of Hans Morgenthau. It was a useful construct to explain 19th century European balance of power politics and for the most part, the actions of the main protagonists during the Cold War. Notwithstanding purported improvements and modifications associated with its various progeny, Realism's contemporary analytic value is problematic. Despite Realism's universal and 'timeless' empirical and iconic pretensions, by the end of the Cold War, the theory had limited explanatory, predictive, or prescriptive value. / The families of Realisms, including neo-Realism, are stepped in confusion over means and ends; agents and structures; and wholes and parts. International Politics cannot be properly understood or thought to exist as an independent and closed system in which specific outcomes can be calculated with regularity and precision in two-dimensional causal terms based upon normative distillations of human nature. Explanations of global politics as a linear function of interests defined as power among nations maintain limited relevance in the 21st century. Rather, world politics constitutes a complex interactive system. Clausewitz's nuanced, insightful, and non-linear approach to theory and method, as well as more recent developments in Critical Scientific Realism and Complex Systems Theory, provide the basis for a new non-linear theory of International Relations. Complex Realism provides the potential for more accurate, nuanced, and scientific understandings of evolving, emergent, and adaptive 21st century realities. The core tenets of Complex Realism have already been embraced by the US military in terms of tactics and operations in its approaches to fighting counterinsurgencies in Iraq and Afghanistan. They should now be applied at the scholarly and grand strategic levels to better understand broader issues of international politics including security, and formulating policies for such daunting global challenges as the weaponization of space. / Le Réalisme est une théorie à deux dimensions des relations internationales, née au milieu du 20ème siècle sous la plume d'Hans Morgenthau. C'est une construction, utile au 19e siècle en Europe, pour expliquer l'équilibre de la politique de puissance européenne, et pour la plupart des actions des principaux protagonistes durant la guerre froide. En dépit des améliorations présumées et des modifications associées aux diverses théories inspirées du réalisme, la valeur analytique contemporaine du Réalisme est problématique. Malgré ses prétentions universalistes et scientifiquement "éternelles", empiriques, et iconiques, à partir de la fin du 20e siècle, la théorie du Réalisme a une valeur explicative, prédictive, ou normative limitée. / Les familles de Réalismes, y compris le Néo-Réalisme, sont chargées de confusion aussi bien dans le but que dans les moyens, les agents, les structures, que des parties et du tout. Les politiques internationales ne peuvent pas être correctement comprises ni être prises pour un système fermé et indépendant dans lequel les résultats spécifiques peuvent être calculés, avec régularité et précision, dans des termes de causalité qui sont basés sur les distillations normative de la nature humaine. Au contraire, les politiques mondiales constituent un système interactif complexe. Le regard nuancé, perspicace et non linéaire de Clausewitz d'aborder la théorie et la méthode, aussi bien que des développements plus récents dans le réalisme critique scientifique et de la théorie des systèmes complexes, fournissent la base pour une nouvelle théorie non-linéaire de relations internationales. Le Réalisme complexe fournit le potentiel pour des compréhensions plus précises, plus nuancées et plus scientifiques des réalités évolutives, émergentes et adaptatives du 21e siècle. Les principes fondamentaux du Réalisme complexe ont déjà été adoptés par les militaires des États-Unis au niveau des tactiques et des opérations dans leurs approches de combats anti-insurrectionnels en Irak et en Afghanistan. Ils devraient maintenant être employés au niveau académique et au niveau des grandes stratégies pour mieux comprendre les questions plus larges de la politique internationale dont la sécurité, ainsi pouvoir formuler d'importantes stratégies sur des questions majeures telles que la militarisation de l'espace. fr

This thesis deals with constructivist and English School accounts of humanitarian intervention. Literature from both of these schools contends that a "norm of humanitarian intervention" has emerged, whereby states should intervene to end massive human rights violations within other states. Accordingly, this thesis concerns itself with "norm entrenchment," the extent to which a norm has become sufficiently ingrained as to affect behavior. Specifically, this thesis examines the role played by norm entrenchment in bringing about US intervention and non-intervention in Somalia (1992-1993), Rwanda (1994), and Kosovo (1999). By assessing norm entrenchment at the individual, domestic, and international organization levels, this thesis concludes that norm entrenchment played little or no role in bringing about US intervention in Somalia and Kosovo, and non-intervention in Rwanda. Instead, these cases demonstrate that international organizations' credibility and maintenance enter into decisions to intervene or not to intervene in humanitarian crises. / Cette thèse traite des théories relatives à la question des interventions humanitaires formulées par les constructivistes et par les représentants de l'Ecole Anglaise. La littérature des deux Ecoles affirme qu'une «norme relative aux interventions humanitaires» a émergé, selon laquelle les Etats devraient intervenir, afin de faire cesser les violations massives de droits de l'homme se déroulant à l'intérieur d'autres Etats. En conséquence, cette thèse traite «de l'établissement des normes», à savoir dans quelle mesure une norme est suffisamment enracinée pour affecter le comportement. Cette thèse examine en particulier le rôle joué par l'établissement de cette norme dans les interventions et les non-interventions des Etats-Unis en Somalie (1992-1993), au Rwanda (1994), et au Kosovo (1999). Par l'évaluation du processus de l'établissement d'une norme aux niveaux individuel, domestique, et à celui des organisations internationales, cette thèse conclut que l'établissement de cette norme n'a joué qu'un rôle insignifiant, voir inexistant dans l'intervention des Etats-Unis en Somalie et au Kosovo et leur non-intervention au Rwanda. Mais ces cas démontrent également que la crédibilité et la viabilité des organisations internationales sont des facteurs qui jouent un rôle dans la décision d'intervenir ou non dans les crises humanitaires. fr

The European Community, today European Union, has been considered as a model to measure the success or failure of other Regional Integration Arrangements (RIAs). Harmonization can be understood as the promotion of convergence within different legal systems. Particularly in this case, harmonization of Member States' legislation has been a central legislative tool in establishing the internal market. However, harmonization, in areas such as technical standards and professional services, is not pursued as a main goal by all RIAs. This is because not all RIAs pursue the same degree of economic integration. / However, due to the fact that differences in national legislation in the above mentioned areas can constitute non-tariff barriers to trade and go against their ultimate goals, even RIAs pursuing lower levels of economic integration such as the formation of a free trade area (FTA) as NAFTA, have taken action directed towards the harmonization of their Member States legislation in the above mentioned areas. These actions may take place through different channels due to the different institutional structure accomplished by RIAs, but the goal pursued is the same: the harmonization of Member States' legislation in order to avoid non-tariff barriers to trade and promote economic integration.

This paper examines the failure of the United States to meaningfully respond to the humanitarian crisis in Darfur, Sudan. Specifically it asserts that the U.S. response is markedly incongruent with the expected outcome of its rhetorical commitment to humanitarian intervention. Drawing on constructivist arguments, this paper suggests that this commitment is reflective of an emergent norm of humanitarian intervention. Given constructivism's limitations, however, the presence of this norm alone cannot predict its impact on policy formation. Therefore, this thesis considers the causal mechanisms posited by realism and liberalism. Through the realist lens this analysis suggests that U.S. policy makers perceive increased involvement in Darfur as compromising the American national interest. Alternatively, the liberal perspective emphasizes a lack of domestic preferences supporting intervention. Combining these realist and liberal findings with the constructivist potential for change ultimately suggests a route toward a more effective response to humanitarian crises. / Ce mémoire analyse l'échec du gouvernement américain pour résoudre de façon significative la crise de Darfour, à Soudan. Notamment, il constate que la réponse américaine est extrêmement disproportionnée par rapport à l'engagement rhétorique quant à l'intervention humanitaire. Faisant usage des arguments constructivistes, ce mémoire suggère que cet engagement reflète une norme émergente de l'intervention humanitaire. En revanche, étant donné les limitations du constructivisme, la seule présence de cette norme ne peut pas prédire son impact sur la création des politiques. C'est pourquoi ce mémoire considère les mécanismes de causalité exigés par le réalisme et le libéralisme. Du point de vue réaliste cette analyse suggère que, selon les hommes politiques américains, davantage de participation à Darfour compromettrait l'intérêt national américain. D'autre part, la perspective libérale souligne un manque des préférences domestiques soutenant l'intervention. Finalement, en combinant les connaissances réalistes et libérales avec le potentiel modificateur constructiviste, une route vers une réponse plus effective à des crises humanitaires est suggérée.

International lawyers and jurists have been employing terms varying from secession, partition, disintegration, and dissolution and referring to rights such as self-determination, minority rights, peoples rights and so on. However, there is not always a crystal clarity behind the terminological distinctions and legal issues. The resolution of various legal issues in separatist conflicts is often a complex matter. For instance, it is not possible to respond fully to separatism without understanding the implications of various underlying institutions and what appear frequently to be conflicting rights. (What is self-determination and how does it relate to separatism? What is the difference between an indigenous people and a minority? What is the difference between secession and partition?) This paper seeks to understand these institutions and rights as a means to providing a response to the particular issues raised in the context of separatism in Northern Ireland. As Northern Ireland also represents a territory born out of what is termed 'partition' it is hoped that this paper will reveal any significance between this form of separation and other forms such as, for example, 'secession'. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

It is indeed strange that the Assembly of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), composed of all the present 183 member States, should have no powers in connection with the principal functions of the Organization (that is, the formulation of Standards and Recommended Practices); nor any over the appointment and creation of the Organization's principal officers and sub-organs. / Stranger still is the fact that even the little and insignificant powers that this Assembly might possess can be easily and constitutionally/conventionally "usurped", or interfered with, by the limited 33-member Council of the Organization. / Much more puzzling is the fact that this limited membership Council, which is normally supposed to be answerable to the Assembly, runs the Organization's entire business exclusively as it sees fit: Without the remaining 150 States having any means whatsoever of checking it. / The result of this strange arrangement has been that the majority of States simply cannot contribute to the advancement of the international aviation cause as they might have: had the universal organ had the voice and say that it now lacks. / The entire constitutional and political set-up of ICAO can hardly be justified in both the Schools of Democracy and of its corollary, the Supremacy of the Assemblies of international organizations. / A serious and meaningful re-evaluation of the ICAO framework and working methods to remedy the anomaly is therefore called for in the present study.

The growth in the use of collective and unilateral economic sanctions in the post-Cold-War epoch calls for a re-examination of the legal basis and constraints on the implementation of sanctions. This thesis is an attempt to explore, from a legal point of view, the problems and restrictions associated with sanctions, and suggest ways in which economic sanctions can be rendered more legitimate in terms of international legal requirements. / Unilateral and collective economic sanctions are based on different legal premises: the traditional theory of retaliation and treaty principles respectively. It will be argued that a breach of an erga omnes obligation is also a legitimate legal basis for economic sanctions. / Key cases in which sanctions have been used will be reviewed and it will be contended that, in addition to traditional economic considerations, sanctions should be subject to other limitations such as respect for principles of international humanitarian law. Issues regarding the legitimacy of the Security Council's actions and authority will also be addressed and possible ways of controlling the actions of the Security Council will be put forth. / After determining the restrictions on implementation of sanctions, proposals for refining current practices of imposing economic sanctions are submitted. In conclusion, it is submitted that unilateral sanctions are subject to serious legal constraints and that collective sanctions have the potential of being used in a more humane and institutionally coherent way.

This thesis is aimed at challenging the conventional wisdom regarding trade and competition under the World Trade Organization, namely, that the WTO does not deal with competition matters. This thesis shows that this wisdom cannot be upheld when viewed in conjunction with Karl Wittgenstein's theories of language and with the panel and Appellate Body's decisions in United States-Anti-Dumping Act of 1916. / These decisions confirm the application of such theories to the WTO and indicate, first, that the WTO limits concerning trade and competition are not as clearly defined as followers of the conventional wisdom suggest, and, second, that the Appellate Body and future panels may be willing to incorporate other competition issues within the realm of the WTO, if they are properly presented before it by Member States. / A description of the existing state of the art concerning competition and international trade is presented.