Anti-icing agents are applied to road surfaces to prevent ice formation and to melt any hail or snow as it falls. The specific agent is selected to provide optimum anti-icing properties for the particular local climate in different municipalities taking into account cost, availability and properties. These anti-icing agents are generally applied in liquid form, and due to their low freezing temperatures, are able to remain liquid at the low ambient temperatures. Unfortunately, the negative aspect of the use of liquid agents is that they are able to penetrate concrete structures to a greater extent than can the solid de-icers, such as rock salt. Once the chloride solutions penetrate the concrete, they can have serious deleterious effects on both the reinforcing steel as well as the concrete [1]. It has been shown in previous studies that the cations of the solutions will tend to react with the cementitious materials to form precipitates of expansive nature. More specifically, the reaction of CaCl2 with Ca(OH)2 results in the formation of expansive calcium hydroxy-chloride [2]. The reaction of MgCl2 with Ca(OH)2 forms Mg(OH)2 in the capillary pores with CaCl2 as a by-product after which the MgCl2 can react with the calcium-silicate-hydrate to form magnesium-silicate-hydrate – a gel-like material with no inherent binding properties or strength. The calcium hydroxy-chloride and Mg(OH)2 precipitates can have a positive effect at early onset, but will eventually cause deterioration of concrete due to the internal forces applied by the precipitates as their volume increases. This can affect the strength and create notable interior strain in the concrete. There are a number of mechanical properties that can be analyzed using short-term testing that will help to determine any changes occurring due to salt solution exposure. To gain a general understanding of the effects of the salt solution exposure in this project, compressive strength, tensile strength, elastic modulus, and strain were measured using a number of exposure conditions. While the results of testing confirm that there are initial benefits beyond minimizing ice formation and bonding, there ultimately exist a number of concerns with respect to the reactions that occur between the salts and hardened cement paste. Although the formation of calcium hydroxy-chloride is known to be expansive [3], evidence of this compound was only seen indirectly through elevated strain and micro-cracking. There was no deterioration of compressive strength, tensile strength, or elastic modulus over the short-term testing. Similarly, and again due to the short testing period, the formation of magnesium-silicate-hydrate (M-S-H) is unlikely to have occurred, though its formation during long-term exposure can result in complete loss of binding strength [2]. However, the precipitation of Mg(OH)2 is believed to be responsible for the lower chloride diffusion rate as well as the increase in strength of the concrete exposed to MgCl2. The only agent which did not yield changes of concern with respect to concrete is the NaCl solution while CaCl2 produced the most deleterious effects.

In this study, it was nanoimprint focused on the anti-adhesion technique between the grating structure silicon molds below 200nm half-pitch and polymer materials (H-PDMS). The nano-groove structure molds with different depths and widths were made by FIB. During the process of molding by soft-lithography, an anti-adhesion layer needed being plated between the silicon and PDMS mold, which was in order to get completely formed H-PDMS soft mold and prevent defective mold caused by the adhesion problem on the surface. There were three kinds of method of plating anti-adhesion layer which were the liquid immersion, vapor deposition, and fluorine doped DLC film. The PFOTCS was used as mold releasing agent in the methods of liquid immersion and vapor deposition, and the contact angle was measured to realize the ability of anti-adhesion. In the method of fluorine doped DLC film, in addition to measuring the anti-adhesion ability for each sample through contact angle with water, the AFM was also applied to measure the degree of adhesion on the surface for each film. And the contact angles with water between each film were also compared. The methods of plating anti-adhesion film with lower degree of adhesion on the surface could be acquired and discussed by means of the above-mentioned ways to fabricate the molds with good formability

This dissertation examines two interconnected research questions: What conditions give rise and lead to the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and what are the consequences of this electoral success? Literature concerning anti-establishment parties fails to investigate this phenomenon in its entirety by focusing disproportionately on the electoral success of these parties neglecting the consequences of this electoral success. Although the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and the subsequent consequences have different theoretical underpinnings, the effects that anti-establishment parties have on individual parties and the party system are dependent upon the electoral success of these of parties. Therefore, this dissertation focuses on both the electoral success and the consequences of anti-establishment parties in Western Europe. Concerning electoral success, this dissertation offers a new approach to the literature by arguing that anti-establishment parties, regardless of their placement on the political spectrum, are born out of the dissatisfaction towards traditional parties within the electorate. Using quantitative analyses of eighteen Western European countries covering the time period 1970-2005, this dissertation offers a unified analysis of anti-establishment parties, regardless of their placement on the political spectrum, examining the political, social, and economic conditions that give rise to the anti-establishment party phenomenon. The findings indicate that while the factors leading to the emergence of anti-establishment parties may be the same regardless of the placement of these parties on the political spectrum, the factors leading to their electoral success are dependent upon their ideological orientation. Furthermore, the electoral success of these new parties has consequences for other individual parties and the broader party system. This dissertation argues that the existence of these parties alone is not enough to accomplish this aim; these parties must be seen as threats to existing mainstream parties on either the left or the right or in some cases, both. In order to counter the threat from these anti-establishment parties, traditional parties may change their ideological positions or organizational structures. Utilizing qualitative (face-to-face interviews with party elites) and evidence from party manifestos from 1970-2005 in six countries, these analyses indicate that the electoral success of anti-establishment parties affects individual parties by altering the ideological placement, particularly on issues relevant to anti-establishment party electoral success. To a lesser extent, traditional parties alter their organizational structures (i.e., allocating more power to rank-and-file members, regional, and local branches), in order to counter this new electoral threat. Moreover, the electoral success of anti-establishment parties causes instability within the broader party system. Utilizing quantitative, statistical methods to analyze eighteen western European countries between 1970 and 2005, this dissertation finds that the electoral success of anti-establishment parties increases the amount of electoral volatility and the amount of polarization both within the system and between traditional parties. However, anti-establishment parties do not mobilize the electorate leading to increases voter turnout in these eighteen countries. Finally, anti-establishment parties, by gaining seats in national legislatures, upset the traditional coalitional dynamics. As such, the electoral success of anti-establishment parties leads to shorter coalitional governments within the party systems of Western Europe.

The debate over the "globalization" process has been influenced by the emergence of social movements who deplore this process. This research focuses on the French social movement ATTAC (Action for a Tobin Tax for the Aid of Citizens), that criticizes the problematic effects of globalization and of the new European constitutional order. This study contends that anti-globalization movements, such as ATTAC, are not only resisting what is perceived as an unjust economic system (neo-liberal globalization), but also what they perceive as cultural uniformization, or a threat to cultural identity and cultural diversity. I substantiate this claim by studying the membership of ATTAC: through qualitative research, including interviews and observations, I show the multiplicity of discourses in which members address the anti-globalization issue. This study will contribute to the research on transnational social movements, as it demonstrates the prevalence of culture and identity concerns over globalization, something that has been overlooked by previous studies of anti-globalization movements.

Thèse de doctorat : Ingénierie Cellulaire et Tissulaire : Nancy 1 : 2008. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre.

Thesis (M.Sc.(Food Science))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Abstract in English. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S. in Applied Science (Operations Research))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Alan Washburn. Includes bibliographical references (p. 49-50). Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Texas, Aug., 2009. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 46-53).

Why has Xi Jinping, the President of the People’s Republic of China, launched one of the most aggressive anti-corruption campaigns in the history of the country? To answer this question, I constructed a database of over 100 high-level officials who have come under investigation during the campaign. I find that the campaign is disproportionately targeting officials from certain provinces. To understand why, I test a hypothesis that states: Xi is targeting corrupt officials from specific geographical regions for reasons unrelated to combating pervasive corruption, indicating factional politics are driving at least a part of the campaign. I find mixed support for the hypothesis. Out of the four provinces tested against the hypothesis, Sichuan is the only one that Xi appears to be targeting under the guise of anti-corruption. I put these findings in comparative perspective and find that the basic characteristics of Xi’s campaign are similar to Jiang Zemin’s 1995 anti-corruption campaign. This finding further supports the hypothesis that factional politics are driving at least a part of Xi’s anti-corruption campaign. I conclude that Xi’s anti-corruption campaign—though exceptional in its intensity—is hardly a departure from China’s historical factional politics. / text