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M.A. (Politics) / The study undertakes to establish whether the Arab uprisings of 2011 can be understood as the product of a process of contagion or diffusion, and to analyse how protests spread between Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. A framework of diffusion is developed from the literature in light of which the protests in these countries are analysed. Furthermore, the aim is to determine whether the outcomes of the uprisings have resulted in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya being any more democratic than they were before. For this purpose, political conditions in these countries are analysed against a framework of democratic transition. The study finds that the protests in late 2010 and 2011 did in fact originate in Tunisia and spread to Egypt and then Libya through a process of diffusion, by which adopters in Egypt and Libya emulated the behaviour of protesters in Tunisia who had demonstrated a successful innovation. Evidence for this is found in the analysis of the elements and mechanisms of the diffusion process, specifically in the master frames of protesters, particular features of protests common to all three countries, and similarities and channels of communication between transmitters and adopters. Only in Tunisia is the outcome of the uprising found to have produced democratic results. The country has met most of the procedural requirements of democracy in addition to developing many key democratic values in the transition process. In Egypt, the state has reverted back to the control of the old regime’s security apparatus, and Egyptians enjoy even less protection of human and civil rights than before. The failure of Libya’s transitional authorities to harness the rogue militias that emerged after the civil war has resulted in the virtual absence of the rule of law and the almost complete delegitimisation of the country’s young democratic institutions. With the emergence of two rival parliaments Libya risks further descent into chaos.

Thesis advisor: Kathleen Bailey / The recent wave of unrest across the Middle East has raised crucial questions about the stability of the remaining regimes in the region. Monarchies have appeared to have weathered the Arab Spring well and have emerged relatively intact while republics such as Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and Syria have experienced revolutions that have completely overturned existing political and economic systems. Jordan has consistently been praised as a beacon of gradual liberalization in a region where so many dictators have ruthlessly clung to power. Upon closer inspection, however, the Jordanian system is not as well adjusted to democracy and economic capitalism as it may seem. The rentier system, most commonly found in resource rich countries, allows authoritarian regimes to co-opt their populations by using economic rent to supply goods and services usually provided by representative governments. Jordan fulfills a unique role as a rentier state because it does not possess natural resources but is instead able to co-opt its citizens as a result of the influx of external rent that the government receives through foreign aid and remittances. Drawing analysis primarily from scholarly articles and making use of media analysis and first person interviews, I examine the current problems facing the Jordanian system and the changes that have taken place as a result of the popular uprisings during the Arab Spring. The larger implications of this research present a roadmap for other entrenched regimes to follow in order to avoid falling into the self reinforcing and destructive system of favors and economic rent. While it may be too late for Jordan to reform its political system without a revolutionary overhaul, other regimes have the potential to work their way out of the rentier system before the network of rentseeking groups in itself becomes a force that not even the regime can stop. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: Political Science .

Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

Electronic Government (E-Government) has become very important in recent years. It can be described as a system of digital interaction between a government and other parties, such as citizens, companies, employees, ministries and other government organisations. One of the most important elements of implementing E-Government systems is the interaction between users and E-Government systems, specifically the adoption and utilisation by those users, who are the main target of such systems. However, e-Government systems are still in the early stages in most developing countries including Saudi Arabia, and face many issues related to adoption, implementation and utilisation. Moreover, there is a lack of studies that investigate and analyse users' adoption and utilisation from different perspectives and also a lack of comprehensive frameworks specifically developed for such analysis. Thus, this research aims to investigate, analyse and understand the key factors that influence users' adoption and utilisation of e-Government systems and services in Saudi Arabia with a holistic approach. This could be used to enhance the current acceptance and use level and also would contribute to providing a user-centred path for designing and implementing new e-Services and government electronic systems. This study also aims to fill the knowledge gap in current e-Government literature about what might constitute a comprehensive framework on which to base such investigations. In order to achieve the research objectives, a comprehensive conceptual framework, namely, E-Government Adoption and Utilisation Model (EGAUM), was developed from a critical evaluation of several common models and theories related to technology acceptance and usage, in conjunction with a review of e-Government adoption literature. The developed model was then utilised to investigate and understand the influential factors on the adoption and utilisation of different types of users; namely, citizens, government employees and users from the business sector. A multiple method was employed in this research which includes a quantitative approach (as a main method) and a qualitative approach (as a supportive method). Several analysis procedures were employed, including descriptive and statistical analysis to validate the research model and to determine the significant influential factors. The results revealed that the user's Education Level, Perceived Benefits and implementing Regulations and Policies related to the e-Usage are common significant factors for the adoption and utilisation by all types of users. Moreover, the Functional Quality of Service/System, Perceived Simplicity and Socio-Cultural factors were found to be significant for the adoption and use of government employees and citizens. It was also found that Awareness plays a significant role in enhancing the adoption and use of public employees and users from the business sector. As a result of these findings, the research developed number of recommendations that can serve as guidelines for successful implementation of e-Government systems and services based on users' perceptions, attitude, beliefs, needs and choices.

Thesis advisor: Jonathan Laurence / Thesis advisor: / This thesis examines how the political participation of Arab-Americans has evolved from 9/11 to the Trump Era. In light of the events in American history in the past two decades that have had significant ramifications on this group, it is important to analyze whether, to what extent, and how the political participation of Arab-Americans was affected. During both the attacks of perpetuated by al-Qaeda on American soil in 2001 and the election of President Trump in 2016, Arab-Americans, particularly those of Muslim faith, saw their realities change as they found themselves in a very hostile socio-political reality: they were thrusted in the spotlight for the worse and were subject to an increasing amount of violent and non-violent animosity from both the American people and from American institutional structures. The events since 9/11 have therefore had an undeniable effect on this group as a whole. However, they have also elicited different reactions according to the national and international political context at the time which have even varied within the Arab-American community. The author analyses how this immigrant group reacted to the political shock of 9/11, as well as its efforts to further mobilize and/or assimilate politically and racially to cope with its heightened visibility. She also looks at the role Arab-American activists have played to advocate for their community and whether they are representative of Arab- Americans as a whole. Finally, she outlines how Arab-Americans are currently reacting to the Trump Administration, and how they are politically fairing at a time of heightened American partisanship. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2019-04-29. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: . / Discipline: .

Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University

archives@tulane.edu / This dissertation aims to provide a comprehensive description of sulha practices in Northern Israel while analyzing the cultural context of sulha as a Muslim ADR model and as a conflict reduction tool used within the state of Israel. Inspiration for examining this ADR model came from reviewing scholars’ suggestions to use elements of sulha to “upgrade” American ADR techniques that are already being employed to mediate the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. These suggestions followed others who advocated for the importance of using indigenous ADR methods when addressing conflicts in the Middle-East. This paper begins with an introduction to the sulha process. Sulha’s components, uses (traditional and nontraditional), objectives, and the ideologies that undergird it are also discussed, in addition to its advantages and disadvantages. One of this dissertation’s goals is to expand on current literature on sulha in order to address several understudied aspects of sulha. Specifically: different uses of the process, especially in non-violent contexts; potential jaha biases; sulha’s success rates; the downsides of the model; sulha’s status within civil legal proceedings; and its interactions with Israeli state agencies. This dissertation then goes on to present the cultural context of sulha as an Islamic conflict reduction tool. It does so by reviewing the historical background of Islamic ADR processes, presenting the main dispute management models in Islam and comparing them with sulha and with common American ADR models. It also analyzes the role of sulha in light of cultural changes the Arab-Israeli community is going through. In the third chapter, the main American ADR mechanisms are discussed and compared with sulha. The last chapter compares sulha and Jewish and Israeli ADR models and discusses sulha’s interactions with the Israeli state to address the unique environment it operates within. While sulha is usually practiced in Arab countries, the intention here is to explore the implications of practicing sulha in a non-Arab country, such as Israel. Additionally, sulha’s relationship with the formal legal system is also examined. Lastly, this chapter considers if there exists sufficient support for considering the utilization of sulha to address the Israeli- Palestinian conflict. / 1 / Evian Mugrabi